Ohio Valley Historical Series

BOUQUET'S

Expedition Against the Ohio Indians

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

of

Bouquet's Expedition

AGAINST THE OHIO INDIANS

In 1764

WITH PREFACE by FRANCIS PARKMAN Author of "Conspiracy of Pontiac," etc.

and

* • t i , ,

- ' > ° i

A Translation of Dumas'

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GENERAL BOUQUET

CINCINNATI, OHIO

THE ROBERT CLARKE COMPANY

1907

£Z3

, 7i

I 1*1

PUBLISHERS' NOTICE

IN offering to our patrons the Account of Gen- eral Bouquet's Expedition against the Ohio Indians in 1764, as the first of the reprints of the Ohio Va'lley Historical Series, we may premise that we have been urged thereto by the rarity of the volume and its intrinsic value as an authentic and reliable narrative of one of the earliest Brit- ish military expeditions into the Territory North-West of the Ohio River.

This work was published at Philadelphia in 1765, reprinted at London the following year; and an edition in French, by C. Gr. F. Dumas, was issued at Amsterdam in 1769.

Mr. Francis Parkman has kindly furnished us with a few prefatory words. The proper introduction, however, to this work, and indeed to all the fragmentary accounts of the later strug- gles of the white and Indian races in the Central West, is his "History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac," of which this expedition was one of the results. We can not too earnestly recom- mend its perusal to our readers. His wonder- fully clear and exact knowledge of Indian character, and its faithful portrayal in his intro- ductory chapters, together with his minute accounts of their tribal divisions, their internal differences, their modes of warfare, the nature

M66050

vi Publishers' Notice,

of their governments, and his general review of the " situation,' ' can not fail to be of great service in attaining an intelligent understand- ing of the story of the Indian wars in the West, and the trials and hardships of the sturdy pio- neers, whose bloody struggles and anxious labors laid the foundation of the present prosperity of this region.

Mr. Parkman has also translated for us M. Dumas' biographical sketch of General Bou- quet prefixed to the French edition. We regret that we are, at present, unable to give a more detailed history of his transactions in this country, the most active and interesting period of his life, concerning which M. Dumas ' sketch is Yery meagre, passing over in silence his important services as one of the commanders of the Royal American Corps, his connection with the former expedition against Fort Duquesne, in 1758, under General Forbes, and his celebrated controversy with General— then Colonel— Washington as to the route which that expedition should take from Carlisle to Fort Duquesne* The one urgently advocated by General Bouquet, through Raystown, now Bedford, and Loyal Manna, was adopted, and the marked advantage of this road in subse- quent military operations, and in encouraging the settlement of Western Pennsylvania, evinced his practical wisdom and forethought.

*For particulars of this controversy, see Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. I, published at Pittsburgh in 1846, and Sparks' "Life and Writings of Washington," Vol. II.

Publishers' Notice. vii

We would call the attention of our readers to the successful manner in which, by the "Osborne Process/' the American Photo- Lithographic Company have reproduced the map, plans, and the two plates by Benjamin West, in facsimile of the originals.

For facility of reference, an index has been added.

A former edition for the Ohio Valley Series was published in 1867, in which the oldstyle spelling and form of type of the original edi- tion was used, but in this reprinting it has been thought best to modernize the style, and make it plainer and better for current reading.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Prefatory. By Francis Parkman ix

Biographical Sketch of Henry Bouquet .... xv

Introduction 3

Historical Account of the Expedition 25

Reflections on the War with the Savages of

N.A 77

Appendix I— Construction of Forts 113

Appendix II— French Forts Ceded to Great

Britain 116

Appendix III— Route from Philadelphia to

Fort Pitt 121

Appendix IV— Indian Towns on the Ohio

River 122

Appendix V— Indian Nations of North

America 125

PREFATORY.

THE peace of 1763 was the beginning of a new epoch in the history of this conti- nent. The vast region from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains had been explored, mapped out, and, in good measure, occupied by the French. Their forts, missions, and trading posts— the centers, in some cases, of little col- onies—were scattered throughout the Valley of the Mississippi and on the borders of all the Great Lakes. They had gained ;a controlling influence over the Indians, and by the right of discovery and of colonization they regarded the country as their own. When Wolfe and Amherst conquered Canada, the vast but frail fabric of French empire in the West crumbled to the dust. An industrial democracy, not a military monarchy married to the hierarchy of Rome, was thenceforth to assume the mighty task for conquering this rich wilderness for civilization.

To the Indian tribes, its natural owners, the change was nothing but a disaster. They had held, in a certain sense, the balance of power between the rival colonies of France and Eng- land. Both had bid for their friendship, and both competed for the trade with them. The French had been the more successful. Their

x Prefatory.

influence was predominant among all the inte- rior tribes, while many of the border Indians, old allies of the English, had of late abandoned them in favor of their rivals. While the French had usually gained the good will, often the ardent attachment, of the tribes with whom they came in contact, the English, for the most part, had inspired only jealousy and dislike. This dislike wTas soon changed to the most intense hatred. Lawless traders and equally lawless speculators preyed on the Indians; swarms of squatters invaded the lands of the border tribes, and crowded them from their homes.

No race on earth has a more intense and unyielding individuality than the Indians. To the weakness and vices inseparable from all low degrees of human development, he joins a pecu- liar reserve and pride. He will not coalesce with superior races, and will not imitate them. When enslaved he dies, kills himself, kills his master, or runs awTay. It has been his lot to be often hated, but seldom thoroughly despised. His race has never received a nickname, and he has never served as a subject of amusement. There is some humor in him, but he is too grim a figure to be laughed at. One is almost con- strained to admire the inflexible obstinacy with which he clings to his own personality, rejects the advances of civilization, and prefers to die as he has lived.

Such, indeed, is the alternative; and it was after the peace of 1763 that this inexorable sen-

Prefatory. xi

tence of civilization or destruction was first pro- claimed over the continent in tones no longer doubtful.

That the Indians understood the crisis it would be rash to affirm ; but they felt it without fully understanding it. The result was the great Indian war under Pontiac. The tribes leagued together and rose to drive the English into the sea. All the small posts of the interior were captured from the English, and the frontiers swept with fire. The two great forts, Detroit and Fort Pitt, alone withstood the assailants, and both were reduced to extremity. Pontiac himself, with the tribes of the Lakes, beleaguered Detroit, while the Delawares and Shawanees,, with some of the Wyandottes, laid siege, in their barbarous way, to Port Pitt, or Pittsburgh. Other bands of the same tribes meanwhile rav- aged the frontiers of Pennsylvania, burning houses, murdering settlers, laying waste whole districts, and producing an indescribable dis- tress and consternation.

This is the point where the ensuing narrative begins. Happily for the distracted borders and the distressed garrison, a gallant Swiss officer,. Henry Bouquet, then commanded at Philadel- phia, and he was ordered to march, with what troops he could collect, to the relief of Fort Pitt. A similar attempt had been made, with greater means and with fewer obstacles, to relieve Detroit, and the result had been a deplorable defeat; but Bouquet, an experienced officer, a

xii Prefatory.

man of science and a man of sense, proved him- self in every way equal to the emergency. The story of this almost desperate attempt is given in the introductory part of the following narra- tive. The events recounted in the body of the book belong to the succeeding year. The Indians defeated by Bouquet at Bushy Run, and foiled by Gladwyn before Detroit, had lost heart and hope. General Bradstreet led a body of troops up the lakes to force them to a substantial and permanent peace; while Bouquet, with a simi- lar object, marched into the untrodden wilder- ness of Ohio. Bradstreet 's share of the combined expedition was ill-managed, and but partially successful ; yet, while failing to do his own part thoroughly, he took it upon himself to accomplish that assigned to his brother com- mander. Bouquet rejected his interference, disregarded the unauthorized treaties he had made, and pursued his march with results which the narrative itself will show. I have examined the original documents on which it is based, and can testify that they have been faithfully followed.

The authorship of the " Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians," has been ascribed, by Rich, Allibone, and others, to Thomas Hutchins, at that time Geographer of the United States, who supplied the map; but the following extract from a letter of Dr. William Smith, Provost of the College of Phila-

Prefatory. xiii

delphia, dated January 13, 1766, seems a suffi- cient proof that the credit belongs to him.

"Mr. Croghan," he writes to Sir William Johnson, "set out the day before I expected he "would, else I proposed sending you a copy of " 'Bouquet's Expedition to Muskingum/ which "I drew up from some papers he favored me "with, and which is reprinted in England, and "has had a very favorable reception."

Mr. A. E. Spofford, the intelligent custodian of the Library of Congress, first made this con- temporary evidence known, having discovered the letter in the Force collection of papers, lately acquired by that Library.

Francis Parkman. Boston,

August, 1868.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

OF

HENRY BOUQUET.

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH EDITION OF THIS WORK PUBLISHED AT AMSTERDAM IN 1769 BY C. G. F. DUMAS.

HEKRY BOUQUET was a man of a fine person, a superior understanding, and a feeling heart. He made no claim to the good opinion of others, neither did he solicit it. Ail were compelled to esteem him, and hence there were many of his profession who thought they could dispense with loving him. Firmness, intrepidity, calmness, presence of mind in the greatest dangers, virtues so essential in a com- mander, were natural to him. His presence inspired confidence and impressed respect, en- couraged his friends and confounded his foes. He was born at Rolle,* in the canton of Berne, in Switzerland. In 1736, being then seventeen years old, he was received as a cadet in the Reg- iment of Constant, in the service of LL. HH. PP.,1" and in 1738 he obtained the commission of

♦Rolle is a small town in the canton of Vaud. Together with the greater part of the Vaudois territory, it was formerly under the government of Berne, and regarded as a part of that canton. It is on the northern borders of the Lake of Geneva. — F. P.

fLeurs Hautes Puissances — i. e., The States General of Hol- land.—F. P.

xvi Biographical Sketch of

ensign in the same regiment. Thence he passed into that of Roguin, in the service of the King of Sardinia, and distinguished himself first as first lieutenant, and afterward as adjutant, in the memorable and ably-conducted campaigns of the wars which that great prince sustained against the combined forces of France and Spain. At the battle of Cony, being ordered to occupy a piece of ground at the brink of a preci- pice, he led his men thither in such a way that not one of them saw that they were within two steps of destruction should the enemy force the position. Meanwhile, calmly watching the movements of both armies, he made his soldiers observe, in order to distract their attention, that these movements could be seen much better by the light of the moon than in broad daylight.

The accounts, no less exact than interesting, which he sent to Holland of the operations of these campaigns, came to the knowledge of His Serene Highness, the late Prince of Orange, and induced him to engage this officer in the service of the Republic. In consequence, Mr. Bouquet entered as captain commandant, with the rank of lieutenant colonel, into the regiment of Swiss Guards, newly formed at the Hague, in 1748, and was immediately chosen to go, jointly with Generals Burmannia and Cornabe, to receive from the French the places in the Low

Henry Bouquet. xvii

Countries which they were about to evacuate, and to arrange the return of the prisoners of war which France gave up to the Republic in conformity with the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. A few months after, Lord Middleton invited him to accompany him in his travels in France and Italy.

On his return to the Hague, he devoted every moment which his regimental duties allowed to the careful study of the military art, and above all of mathematics, which are the foundation of it. The intimate relations which he formed with Professors Hemsterhuis, Konig, and Alla- mand, and with several other learned men in every branch of science, greatly facilitated his acquisition of the thorough knowledge which afterward gave him a yet higher distinction, and caused him to appear with such advantage in the vast theater of the war kindled between France and England in 1754.*

As this war obliged England to send troops to America, it was proposed to raise a corps, under the name of Royal Americans, formed of three battalions under one commander, the officers of which were to be indifferently either Ameri- cans or foreigners, but in all cases men of

♦Bouquet always retained his fondness for the society of men of science. When in command at Philadelphia, he formed an intimacy with the botanist Bertram. — F. P.

xviii Biographical Sketch of

capacity and experience.1* This plan, favored by the Duke of Cumberland,, was carried into execution, though altered and mutilated by an opposing faction. Mr. Bouquet and his inti- mate friend, Mr. Haldimand, were the first to whom those charged with it turned their eyes, and they were urged to serve in this brigade as lieutenant colonels. Both had already reached that rank at the Hague, and by a singular freak of fortune, the officer who was to command them in America was their inferior in Europe. This made them hesitate for some time. Neverthe- less, at the urgent persuasion of Sir Joseph Yorke, and upon a promise being made them that they should be placed immediately, as col- onels commandant, on a footing of equality with the colonel-in-chief of the brigade, they were induced to accept the commissions offered them. As soon as their resolution was taken, they were charged to attract into the corps a sufficient number of good officers, both for the engineer and the artillery service. There was no reason to regret that this matter was entrusted to them. Most of these officers were drawn from the

fThe "Royal American Regiment" was to consist of four bat- talions of one thousand men each, the ranks to be filled in great measure from the German and other continental settlers of Pennsylvania and Maryland. Fifty of the officers might be for- eign Protestants, but the colonel must be a natural-born subject. See "Act to enable His Majesty to grant commissions to a certain number of foreign Protestants" 29 George II., c. V.

The first colonel was John, Earl of Loudoun, but Colonels J. Stanwix, Joseph Dussaux, C. Jeffereys, and James Pkovost, commanded the four battalions respectively. See "Army List." The Royal American Regiment is now the Sixtieth Rifles. — P. P.

Henry Bouquet. xix

armies of the Republic, and they have answered the expectations of those who chose them in a manner which has done honor to both.

I have not entered into a detailed account of the plan which called int<"> existence the brigade of which I have just spoken, for this would have led me too far. I shall content myself with saying, that its origin, and the favor with which it was received, were due to pure accident ; but that its happy execution is solely to be ascribed to the discernment of Srn Joseph Yorke, and to his zeal for his country. It is chiefly, then, to him, that the British Empire owes the distinguished services which these brave officers have rendered it.*

To return to Mr. Bouquet: On his arrival in America, his integrity, as well as his great capacity, soon acquired for him a great credit in the Colonies, especially in Pennsylvania and Virginia. Respected by the soldiers, in credit with all who had a share in the internal govern- ment of these provinces, universally esteemed and loved, he had but to ask, and he obtained all that it was possible to grant, because it was believed that he asked nothing but what was necessary and proper, and that all would be faithfully employed for the services of the king and the provinces. This good understanding

♦Major General Sir Joseph Yorke was appointed British Pleni- potentiary to the States General in 1751. He had been aid-de- camp to the Duke of Cumberland at the battle of Fontenoy. In 1788 he was raised to the peerage as Baron Dover. He died without issue in 1792.— F. P.

xx Biographical Sketch of

between the civil and military authorities con- tributed to his success quite as much as his ability.

Immediately after the conclusion of peace with the Indians, the king made him brigadier general and commandant of his troops in all the Southern Colonies of British America. He died at Pensacola* lamented by his friends and uni- versally regretted. I wish that the Colonies, which I sincerely love, may have a long succes- sion of such defenders. The young officers who read this, will permit me to propose him as a model for their imitation, and an example well fitted to excite in them a noble emulation. It is to his honor that I have undertaken this trans- lation, and it is to his memory that I dedicate it.

[*His death must have occurred in the autumn of 1765, not long after his return from this "Expedition against the Ohio Indians," for, in the Gentleman's Magazine (London) for Jan- uary, 1766, we find the following among the promotions in the British army: "Aug. Provost, Esq., Lieut. Col. of the 60th Reg., in room of H. Bouquet, dec."]

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

OF THE EXPEDITION

AGAINST THE OHIO INDIANS,

IN THE YEAR MDCCLXIV.

UNDER THE COMMAND OF

HENRY BOUQUET, ESQ.

COLONEL OF FOOT, AND NOW BRIGADIER GENERAL IN AMERICA.

Including his Transactions with the INDIANS,

Relative to the DELIVERY of their PRISONERS,

And the PRELIMINARIES of PEACE.

With an introductory account of the Preceding CAMPAIGN,

And BATTLE at BUSHY-RUN.

To which are annexed

MILITARY PAPERS,

CONTAINING

Reflections on the War with the Savages; a Method of forming

Frontier Settlements; some Account of the INDIAN Country;

with a List of Nations, Fighting Men, Towns, Distances, and

different Routs.

The whole illustrated with a MAP and COPPER-PLATES.

Published, from authentic Documents, by a Lover of his Country.

PHILADELPHIA, PRINTED:

LONDON, Re-printed for T. JEFFERIES, Geographer to his

MAJESTY, at Charing Cross. MDCCLXVI.

INTRODUCTION.^-.

THE general peace, concluded between Great Britain, France and Spain, in the year 1762. although viewed in different lights by persons variously affected in the mother country, was nevertheless universally considered as a most happy event in America.

To behold the French, who had so long insti- gated and supported the Indians, in the most destructive wTars and cruel depredations on our frontier settlements, at last compelled to cede all Canada, and restricted to the western side of Missisippi, was what we had long wished, but scarcely hoped an accomplishment of in our own days. The precision with which our boundaries were expressed, admitted of no ground for future disputes, and was matter of exultation to every one who understood and regarded the interest of these colonies. We had now the pleasing prospect of "entire* security from all "molestation of the Indians, since French in- "trigues could no longer be employed to seduce, "or French force to support them."

"Unhappily, however, we were disappointed "in this expectation. Our danger arose from

*The several quotations in this introduction are taken from the Annual Register, 1763, which is written with great elegance and truth, so far as the author appears to have been furnished with materials.

4 Introduction.

i ' that very quarter, in which we imagined our- " selves in the most perfect security; and just at {"the time when we concluded the Indians to Vbe entirely, awed, and almost subjected by our "power, they suddenly fell upon the frontiers "of our most valuable settlements, and upon "all our out-lying forts, with such unanimity in "the design, and with such savage fury in the "attack, as we had not experienced, even in the "hottest times of any former war."

Several reasons have been assigned for this perfidious conduct on their part; such as an omission of the usual presents, and some settle- ments made on lands not yet purchased from them. But these causes, if true, could only affect a few tribes, and never could have formed so general a combination against us. The true reason seems to have been a jealousy of our growing power, heightened by their seeing the French almost wholly driven out of America, and a number of forts now possessed by us, which commanded the great lakes and rivers communicating with them, and awed the whole Indian country. They probably imagined that they beheld "in every little garrison the germ "of a future colony," and thought it incumbent on them to make one general and timely effort to crush our power in the birth.

By the papers in the Appendix, a general idea may be formed of the strength of the different Indian nations surrounding our settlements, and their situation with respect to each other.

Introduction. 5

The Shawanese, Delawares and other Ohio tribes, took the lead in this war, and seem to have begun it rather too precipitately, before the other tribes in confederacy with them, were ready for action.

Their scheme appears to have been projected with much deliberate mischief in the intention, and more than usual skill in the system of exe- cution. They were to make one general and sudden attack upon our frontier settlements in the time of harvest, to destroy our men, corn, cattle, &c. as far as they could penetrate, and to starve our outposts, by cutting off their sup- plies, and all communication with the inhabi- tants of the Provinces.

In pursuance of this bold and bloody project, they fell suddenly upon our traders whom they liad invited into their country, murdered many of them, and made one general plunder of their effects, to an immense value.

The frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, were immediately over-run with scalp- ing parties, marking their way with blood and devastation wherever they came, and all those examples of savage cruelty, which never fail to accompany an Indian war.

All our out-forts, even at the remotest dis- tances, were attacked about the same time ; and the following ones soon fell into the enemies hands— viz. Le Boeuf, Venango, Presqu' Isle, on and near lake Erie ; La Bay upon lake Mich- igan; St. Joseph's, upon the river of that name;

6 Introduction.

Miamis upon the Miamis river; Ouachtanon upon the Ouabache ; Sandusky upon lake Junun- dat ; and Michilimackinac.

Being but weakly garrisoned, trusting to the security of a general peace so lately established, unable to obtain the least intelligence from the colonies, or from each other, and being sepa- rately persuaded by their treacherous and sav- age assailants, that they had carried every other place before them, it could not be expected that these small posts could hold out long; and the fate of their garrisons is terrible to relate.

The news of their surrender, and the con- tinued ravages of the enemy, struck all America with consternation, and depopulated a great part of our frontiers. We now saw most of those posts, suddenly wrested from us, which had been the great object of the late war, and one of the principal advantages acquired by the peace. Only the forts of Niagara, the Detroit and Fort-Pitt, remained in our hands, of all that had been purchased with so much blood and treasure. But these were places of consequence, and we hope it ever will remain an argument of their importance, and of the attention that should be paid to their future support, that they alone continued to awe the whole power of the Indians, and balanced the fate of the war between them and us !

These forts, being larger, were better garri- soned and supplied to stand a siege of some length, than the places that fell. Niagara was

Introduction. 7

not attacked, the enemy judging it too strong.

The officers who commanded the other two deserve the highest honour for the firmness with which they defended them, and the hardships they sustained rather than deliver up places of such importance.

Major Gladwin, in particular, who com- manded at the Detroit, had to withstand the united and vigorous attacks of all the nations living upon the Lakes.

The design of this publication, and the mate- rials in my hands, lead me more immediately to speak of the defence and relief of Fort Pitt.

The Indians had early surrounded that place, and cut off all communication from it, even by message. Tho' they had no cannon, nor under- stood the methods of a regular siege, yet, with incredible boldness, they posted themselves under the banks of both rivers1" by the walls of the fort, and continued as it were buried there, from day to day, with astonishing patience; pouring in an incessant storm of musquetry and fire arrows ; hoping at length, by famine, by fire, or by harrassing out the garrison, to carry their point.

Captain Ecuyer, who commanded there, tho* he wanted several necessaries for sustaining a siege, and the fortifications had been greatly damaged by the floods, took all the precautions which art and judgment could suggest for the

fThe Ohio and Monongahela, at the junction of which stands Fort Pitt.

8 Introduction.

repair of the place, and repulsing the enemy. His garrison, joined by the inhabitants, and sur- viving traders who had taken refuge there, sec- onded his efforts with resolution. Their situation was alarming, being remote from all immediate assistance, and having to deal with an enemy from whom they had no mercy to expect.

General Amherst, the commander in chief, not being able to provide in time for the safety of the remote posts, bent his chief attention to the relief of the Detroit, Niagara, and Fort- Pitt. The communication with the two former was chiefly by water, from the province of New- York ; and it was on that account the more easy to throw succours into them. The detachment sent to the Detroit arrived there on the 29th of July, 1763; but Captain Dalyell, who com- manded that detachment, and seventy of his men, lost their lives in a rencounter with the Indians near the fort. Previous to this disaster he had passed thro' Niagara, and left a rein- forcement there.

Fort Pitt remained all this while in a most critical situation. No account could be obtained from the garrison, nor any relief sent to it, but by a long and tedious land march of near 200 miles beyond the settlements ; and through those dangerous passes where the fate of Braddock and others still rises on the imagination.

Col. Bouquet was appointed to march to the relief of this fort, with a large quantity of mili-

Introduction. 9

tary stores and provisions, escorted by the shat- tered remainder of the 42d and 77th regiments, lately returned in a dismal condition from the West-Indies, and far from being recovered of their fatigues at the siege of the Havannah. General Amherst, having at that time no other troops to spare, was obliged to employ them in a service which would have required men of the strongest constitution and vigour.

Early orders had been given to prepare a convoy of provisions on the frontiers of Penn- svlvania, but such were the universal terror and consternation of the inhabitants, that when Col. Bouquet arrived at Carlisle, nothing had yet been done. A great number of the plantations had been plundered and burnt, by the savages ; many of the mills destroyed, and the full-ripe crops stood waving in the field, ready for the sickle, but the reapers were not to be found!

The greatest part of the county of Cumber- land, thro' which the army had to pass, was deserted, and the roads were covered with dis- tressed families, flying from their settlements, and destitute of all the necessaries of life.

In the midst of that general confusion, the supplies necessary for the expedition became very precarious, nor was it less difficult to pro- cure horses and carriages for the use of the troops.

The commander found that, instead of expect- ing such supplies from a miserable people, he himself was called by the voice of humanity to

10 Introduction.

bestow on them some share of his own provi- sions to relieve their present exigency. How- ever, in 18 days after his arrival at Carlisle, by the prudent and active measures which he pur- sued, joined to his knowledge of the country f and the diligence of the persons he employed^ the convoy and carriages were procured wTith the assistance of the interior parts of the country, and the army proceeded.

Theie march did not abate the fears of the dejected inhabitants. They knew the strength and ferocity of the enemy. They remembered the former defeats even of our best troops, and were full of diffidence and apprehensions on beholding the small number and sickly state of the regulars employed in this expedition. With- out the least hopes, therefore, of success, they seemed only to wait for the fatal event, which they dreaded, to abandon all the country beyond the Susquehannah.

In such despondency of mind, it is not sur- prising, that tho' their whole was at stake, and depended intirely upon the fate of this little army, none of them offered to assist in the defence of the country, by joining the expedi- tion ; in which they would have been of infinite service, being in general well acquainted with the woods, and excellent marksmen.

It cannot be contested that the defeat of the regular troops on this occasion, would have left the province of Pennsylvania in particular, exposed to the most imminent danger, from a

Introduction. 11

victorious, daring and barbarous enemy; for (excepting the frontier people of Cumberland county) the bulk of its industrious inhabitants is composed of merchants, tradesmen and farm- ers, unaccustomed to arms, and without a militia law.

The legislature ordered, indeed, 700 men to be raised for the protection of the frontiers dur- ing the harvest; but what dependence could be placed in raw troops, newly raised and undisci- plined? Under so many discouraging circum- stances, the Colonel (deprived of all assistance from the provinces, and having none to expect from the General, who had sent him the last man that could be removed from the hospitals) had nothing else to trust to, but about 500 sol- diers of approved courage and resolution indeed, but infirm, and intire strangers to the woods, and to this new kind of war. A number of them were even so weak, as not to be able to march, and sixty were carried in waggons to reinforce the garrisons of the small posts on the communication.

Meanwhile Fort-Ligonier, situated beyond the Allegheny-Mountains, was in the greatest danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, befoie the army could reach it. The stockade being very bad, and the garrison extremely weak, they had attacked it vigorously, but had been repulsed by the bravery and good conduct of Lieutenant Blane who commanded there.

The preservation of that post was of the

12 Introduction.

utmost consequence, on account of its situation and the quantity of military stores it contained, which if the enemy could have got possession of, would have enabled them to continue their attack upon Fort-Pitt, and reduced the army to the greatest streights. For an object of that importance, every risk was to be run; and the Colonel determined to send through the woods, with proper guides, a party of thirty men to join that garrison. They succeeded by forced marches in that hazardous attempt, not having been discovered by the enemy till they came within sight of the Fort, into which they threw themselves, after receiving some running shot.

Previous to that reinforcement of regulars, 20 volunteers, all good woodsmen, had been sent to Fort-Ligonier by Capt. Ourry, who com- manded at Fort-Bedford another very consider- able magazine of provisions, and military stores, the principal and centrical stage between Car- lisle and Fort-Pitt, being about 100 miles distance from each. This fort was also in a ruinous condition, and very weakly garrisoned, although the two small intermediate posts, at the crossings of the Juniata and of Stony Creek, had been abandoned to strengthen it.

Here the distressed families, scattered for 12 or 15 miles round, fled for protection, leaving most of their effects a prey to the savages.

All the necessary precautions were taken by the commanding officer, to prevent surprize, and repel open force, as also to render ineffectual

Introduction. 13

the enemies fire arrows. He armed all the fight- ing men, who formed two companies of volun- teers, and did duty with the garrison til] the arrival of two companies of light infantry, detached as soon as possible from Colonel Bouquet's little army.

These two magazines being secured, the Col- onel advanced to the remotest verge of our settle- ments, where he could receive no sort of intelli- gence of the number, position, or motions of the enemy. Not even at Fort-Bedford, where he arrived with his whole convoy on the 25th of July, for tho' the Indians did not attempt to attack the fort, they had by this time killed, scalped, and taken eighteen persons in that neighborhood, and their sculking parties were so spread, that at last no express could escape them. "This" (want of intelligence) "is often "a very embarrassing circumstance in the con- duct of a campaign in America. The Indians "had better intelligence, and no sooner were they "informed of the march of our Army, than "they broke up the siege of Fort-Pitt, and took "the rout by which they knew we were to pro- "ceed, resolved to take the first advantageous "opportunity of an attack on the march."

In this uncertainty of intelligence under which the Colonel laboured, he marched from Fort-Bedford the 28th of July, and as soon as he reached Fort-Ligonier, he determined very prudently to leave his waggons at that post, and to proceed only with the pack horses. Thus

14 Introduction.

disburdened, the army continued their rout. Before them lay a dangerous defile at Turtle Creek, several miles in length, commanded the whole way by high and craggy hills. This defile he intended to have passed the ensuing night, by a double or forced march ; thereby, if possible, to elude the vigilance of so alert an enemy, proposing only to make a short halt in his way, to refresh the Troops, at Bushy-Run.

When they came within half, a mile of that place, about one in the afternoon, (August 5th, 1763) after an harrassing march of seventeen miles, and just as they wTere expecting to relax from their fatigue, they were suddenly attacked by the Indians, on their advanced guard ; which being speedily and firmly supported, the enemy was beat off, and even pursued to a considerable distance.

^But the flight of these barbarians must often be considered as a part of the engagement, (if we may use the expression) rather than a dere- liction of the field. The moment the pursuit ended, they returned with renewed vigour to the attack. Several other parties, who had been in ambush in some high grounds which lay along the flanks of the army, now started up at once, and falling with a resolution equal to that of

fThe above quotation is from the writer already mentioned, and seems so accurately and elegantly drawn up, from the account of this engagement, sent to his Majesty's ministers, that nothing better can be inserted in its room. There are but one or two small mistakes in it, which are here corrected.

Introduction. 15

* their companions, galled our troops with a most ' obstinate fire.

'It was necessary to make a general charge *with the whole line to dislodge them from these ' heights. This charge succeeded; but still the 4 success produced no decisive advantage; for as 'soon as the savages were driven from one post, 'they still appeared on another, till by constant 'reinforcements they were at length able to sur- ' round the whole detachment, and attack the

* convoy which had been left in the rear.

'This manoeuvre obliged the main body to 'fall back in order to protect it. The action, 'which grew every moment hotter and hotter, 'now became general. Our troops were attacked 'on every side; the savages supported their 'spirit throughout; but the steady behaviour of 'the English troops, who were not thrown in the 'least confusion by the very discouraging nature 'of this service, in the end prevailed; they 'repulsed the enemy, and drove them from all 'their posts with fixed bayonets.

'The engagement ended only with the day, 'having continued from one without any inter- ' mission.

' The ground, on which the action ended, was 'not altogether inconvenient for an encamp- 'ment. The convoy and the wounded were in 'the middle, and the troops, disposed in a circle, 'incompassed the whole. In this manner, and 'with little repose, they passed an anxious night,

16 Introduction.

' obliged to the strictest vigilance by an enter- ' prizing enemy who had surrounded them.

' Those who have only experienced the severi- ties and dangers of a campaign in Europe, can ' scarcely form an idea of what is to be done and ' endured in an American war. To act in a ' country cultivated and inhabited, where roads 'are made, magazines are established, and hos- pitals provided; where there are good towns 'to retreat to in case of misfortune; or, at the 'worst, a generous enemy to yield to, from whom 'no consolation, but the honour of victory, can 'be wanting; this may be considered as the exer- ' cise of a spirited and adventurous mind, rather 'than a rigid contest where all is at stake, and 'mutual destruction the object: and as a conten- tion between rivals for glory, rather than a real 'struggle between sanguinary enemies. But in 'an American campaign every thing is terrible; 'the face of the country, the climate, the enemy » 'There is no refreshment for the healthy, nor 'relief for the sick. A vast unhospitable des- 'art, unsafe and treacherous, surrounds them, 'where victories are not decisive, but defeats are 'ruinous; and simple death is the least misfor- 'tune which can happen to them. This forms 'a service truly critical, in which all the firmness ' of the body and mind is put to the severest trial ; 'and all the exertions of courage and address 'are called out. If the actions of these rude 'campaigns are of less dignity, the adventures 'in them are more interesting to the heart, and

Introduction. 17

'more amusing to the imagination, than the ' events of a regular war.

'But to return to the party of English, whom 'we left in the woods. At the first dawn of light 'the savages began to declare themselves, all 'about the camp, at the distance of about 500 'yards; and by shouting and yelling in the most 'horrid manner, quite round that extensive cir- 'cumference, endeavoured to strike terror by an 'ostentation of their numbers, and their ferocity.

'After this alarming preparative, they at- tacked our forces, and, under the favour of an 'incessant fire, made several bold attempts to 'penetrate into the camp. They were repulsed 'in every attempt, but by no means discouraged 'from new ones. Our troops, continually vic- torious, were continually in danger. They 'were besides extremely fatigued with a long 'march, and with the equally long action, of the 'preceding day; and they were distressed to the 'last degree by a total want of water, much more 'intolerable than the enemy's fire.

' Tied to their convoy, they could not lose sight 'of it for a moment, without exposing, not only 'that interesting object, but their wounded men, 'to fall a prey to the savages, who pressed them 'on every side. To move was impracticable. 'Many of the horses were lost, and many of the ' drivers, stupefied by their fears, hid themselves 'in the bushes, and were incapable of hearing 'or obeying orders.

'Their situation became extremely critical

18 Introduction.

'and perplexing, having experienced that the 'most lively efforts made no impression upon 'an enemy, who always gave way when pressed; 'but who, the moment the pursuit was over, 'returned with as much alacrity as ever to the 'attack. Besieged rather than engaged; at- tacked without interruption, and without deci- 'sion; able neither to advance nor to retreat, 'they saw before them the most melancholy pros- 'pect of crumbling away by degrees, and entirely 'perishing without revenge or honour, in the 'midst of those dreadful desarts. The fate of 'Braddock was every moment before their eyes; 'but they were more ably conducted.

' The commander was sensible that every thing 'depended upon bringing the savages to a close 'engagement, and to stand their ground when 'attacked. Their audaciousness, which had in- ' creased with their success, seemed favourable 'to this design. He endeavoured, therefore, to 'increase their confidence as much as possible.

'For that purpose he contrived the following 'stratagem. Our troops were posted on an emi- 'nence, and formed a circle round their convoy 'from the preceding night, which order they still 'retained. Col. Bouquet gave directions, that 'two companies of his troops, who had been 'posted in the most advanced situations, should 'fall within the circle; the troops on the right 'and left immediately opened their files, and 'filled up the vacant space, that they might seem 'to cover their retreat. Another company of

Introduction. 19

4 light infantry, with one of grenadiers, were ' ordered to "lie in ambuscade," to support the 'two first companies of grenadiers, who moved 'on the feigned retreat, and were intended to 'begin the real attack. The dispositions were 'well made, and the plan executed without the 'least confusion.

'The savages gave entirely into the snare. 'The thin line of troops, which took possession 'of the ground which the two companies of light 'foot had left, being brought in nearer to the 'center of the circle, the barbarians mistook 'those motions for a retreat, abandoned the 'woods which covered them, hurried headlong 'on, and advancing with the most daring intre- 'pidity, galled the English troops with their 'heavy fire. But at the very moment when, cer- 'tain of success, they thought themselves masters 'of the camp, the two first companies made a 'sudden turn, and sallying out from a part of 'the hill, which could not be observed, fell 'furiously upon their right flank.

'The savages, though they found themselves 'disappointed and exposed, preserved their rec- 'ollection, and resolutely returned the fire which 'they had received. Then it was the superiority 'of combined strength and discipline appeared. 'On the second charge they could no longer sus- 'tain the irresistible shock of the regular troops, 'who rushing upon them, killed many, and put 'the rest to flight.

'At the instant when the savages betook them-

20 Introduction.

' selves to flight, the other two companies, which 'had been ordered to support the first, rose ' ' ' from ambuscade, ' ' marched to the enemy, and ' gave them their full fire. This accomplished ' their defeat. The four companies now united^ 'did not give them time to look behind them, 'but pursued the enemy till they were totally ' dispersed.

'The other bodies of the savages attempted 'nothing. They were kept in awre during the 'engagement by the rest of the British troops, 'who were so posted as to be ready to fall on 'them upon the least motion. Having been 'witnesses to the defeat of their companions, 'without any effort to support or assist them,, 'they at length followed their example and fled.

' This judicious and successful manoeuvre res- 'cued the party from the most imminent danger. 'The victory secured the field, and cleared all 'the adjacent woods. But still the march wTas 'so difficult, and the army had suffered so much, 'and so many horses were lost, that before they 'were able to proceed, they were reluctantly 'obliged to destroy such part of their convoy of 'provisions as they could not carry with them 'for want of horses. Being lightened by this 'sacrifice, they proceeded to Bushy-Run, wThere 'finding water, they encamped.'

A plan of this engagement is annexed, and it was thought the more necessary here to insert a particular account of it, as the new

Introduction. 21

manoeuvres1" and skilful conduct of the com- mander, seem to have been the principal means, not only of preserving his army in the most critical situation, but likewise of ensuring them a compleat victory.

The enemy lost about sixty men on this occa- sion, some of them their chief warriors; which they reputed a very severe stroke. They had likewise many wounded in the pursuit. The English lost about fifty men and had about sixty wounded.

The savages, thus signally defeated in all their attempts to cut off this reinforcement upon its march, began to retreat with the utmost precipitation to their remote settlements, wholly giving up their designs against Port-Pitt; at which place Col. Bouquet arrived safe with his convoy, four days after the action ; receiving no further molestation on the road, except a few scattered shot from a disheartened and flying enemy.

Here the Colonel was obliged to put an end to the operations of this campaign, not having a sufficient force to pursue the enemy beyond the Ohio and take advantage of the victory obtained

f Another reason for being so particular in this account, is that the military papers annexed to this work, and the plan for carry- ing on any future war with the Indians, were composed upon the experience of this engagement, by an officer long employed in the service he describes. His own improvement was his princi- pal motive in the composition of them; but being told that they might convey many useful hints to others, and be of much service if laid before the public, he was pleased, upon my request, freely to communicate them to me for that purpose.

22 Introduction.

over them; nor having any reason to expect a timely reinforcement from the provinces in their distressed situation. He was therefore forced to content himself with supplying Fort-Pitt, and other places on the communication, with provisions, ammunition and stores; stationing his small army to the best advantage he could, against the approach of winter.

The transactions of the succeeding campaign, will be the subject of the following work, and we shall conclude this introduction, by shewing the sense which his Majesty was pleased to entertain, of the conduct and bravery of the officers and army, on this trying occasion.

Introduction. 23

Head-Quarters, New- York, Jan. 5, 1764. ORDERS.

" T-TIS Majesty has been graciously pleased a^ to signify to the commander in chief, his " royal approbation of the conduct and bravery "of Col. Bouquet, and the officers and troops "under his command, in the two actions of the "5th and 6th of August; in which, notwith- standing the many circumstances of difficulty "and distress they laboured under, and the "unusual spirit and resolution of the Indians, "they repelled and defeated the repeated attacks "of the Savages, and conducted their convoy "safe to Fort-Pitt.

"Signed Moncreif,

"Major of Brigade.'5 To Colonel Bouquet, or officer commanding at Fort-Pitt.

AN

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

OF

COL. BOUQUET'S EXPEDITION

AGAINST THE OHIO INDIANS IN THE YEAK 1764.

IN the preceding introduction, some account hath been given of the sudden, treacherous mid unprovoked attack, made by the Indians upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, soon after the publication of the general Peace, at a time when we were but just beginning to respire from our former calami- ties, and looked for an approach of quiet on •every side. The principal transactions of the •campaign 1763 have likewise been briefly reca- pitulated, and the reader informed by what means the editor became possessed of the valu- able papers, which have enabled him to bring the history of this Indian war to a conclusion, and furnished the materials of the following sheets.

Colonel Bouquet, as before mentioned, not Tiaving a sufficient number of troops to garrison the different posts, under his command, and at the same time to cross the Ohio and take advan- tage of the dejection into which he had thrown

26 Historical Account of

the enemy, by the defeat at Bushy-Run, was obliged to restrain his operations to the supply- ing the forts with provisions, ammunition and other necessaries.

In the execution of this service, he received no annoyance from the enemy, for they now saw themselves not only forced to give up their designs against Fort-Pitt; but retreating be- yond the Ohio, they deserted their former towns, and abandoned all the country between Presque- Isle and Sanduski ; not thinking themselves safe till they arrived at Muskingam.

Here they began to form new settlements, and remained quiet during the winter. But, in the mean time, having supplied themselves with powder, &c. from the French traders, (and now flattering themselves that the great distance of their settlements would render them inaccessi- ble to our troops) the ensuing spring 1764 pre- sented these savage enemies afresh on our fron- tiers ; ravaging and murdering with their usual barbarity.

To chastise them for their perfidy, General Gage resolved to attack them on two different sides, and to force them from our frontiers ; by carrying the war into the heart of their own country. With this view, he destined a corps of troops to proceed under Col. Bradstreet, to act against the Wiandots, Ottawas, Chipwas and other nations, living upon or near the lakes; while another corps, under the command of Col. Bouquet, should attack the Delawares, Shaw-

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 27

anese, Mingoes, Mohickons, and other nations, between the Ohio and the lakes.

These two corps wTere to act in concert; and as that of Col. Bradstreet could be ready much sooner than the other, he was to proceed to Detroit, Michilimackinac and other places. On his return he was to encamp and remain at San- duski, to awe, by that position, the numerous tribes of western Indians, so as to prevent their sending any assistance to the Ohio Indians, while Colonel Bouquet should execute his plan of attacking them in the heart of their settle- ments.

Col. Bouquet-s expedition was to proceed altogether by land, and was on that account attended with great difficulties. His men were to penetrate through a continued depth of woods, and a savage unexplored country; with- out roads, without posts, and without a retreat if they failed of success. When once engaged in these deserts, they had no convoy, nor any kind of assistance to expect. Every thing was to be carried with them— their ammunition, baggage, tools, stores, and provisions necessary for the troops during the whole expedition. And besides, they were liable to many embar- rassments, and difficulties which no prudence could foresee, scarce any caution prevent; so that, in this account, sundry things, which, in the usual method of conducting military opera- tions, might not be thought worthy of detail, may nevertheless be found highly serviceable to

28 Historical Account of

those who may afterwards be employed in this species of war, which is new to Europeans, who must submit to be instructed in it by experience, and in many articles even by the savages them- selves.

Part of the 42 d and 60th regiments were ordered on this expedition, and were to be joined by two hundred friendly Indians, and the troops required of Virginia and Pennsylvania. The Indians never came, and the Virginians pleaded their inability to raise men, having already in pay about 700 militia for the defence of their own frontier. In Pennsylvania, a bill for rais- ing 1000 men was passed May 30th; but, with the utmost diligence that could be used, the num- ber could not be compleated till the beginning of August.

On the 5th of that month, the men being assembled at Carlisle, one hundred and eighteen miles to the westward of Philadelphia, Governor Penn, who had accompanied Col. Bouquet to that place, acquainted the two Pennsylvania battalions with the necessity we wrere laid under of chastising the Indians "for their repeated and unprovoked barbarities on the inhabitants of the Province; a just resentment of which, added to a remembrance of the loyalty and courage of our provincial troops on former occasions, he did not doubt, would animate them to do honour to their country; and that they could not but hope to be crowned with suc- cess, as they were to be united with the same

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 29

"regular troops, and under the same able com- "mander, who had by themselves, on that very "day, the memorable 5th of August in the pre- ceding year, sustained the repeated attacks "of the savages, and obtained a compleat "victory over them.' '— He also reminded them "of the exemplary punishments that would be "inflicted on the grievous crime of desertion, if "any of them were capable of so far forgetting "their solemn oath and duty to their king and "country, as to be involved in it."

Col. Bouquet then assumed the command of the regular and provincial troops ; and the four following days were spent in the necessary prep- arations for their march; the Colonel giving the most express orders to the officers and men to observe strict discipline, and not to commit the least violation of the civil rights or peace of the inhabitants— He, at the same time, made the most prudent regulations for a safe and com- modious carriage of the baggage, taking care to rid himself of all unnecessary incumbrances.

The 13th of August this small army got to Fort Loudoun ; but notwithstanding all the pre- cautions taken to prevent desertion, the Penn- sylvania troops were now reduced to about 700 men. The Colonel was therefore under a neces- sity to apply to the government of that province to enable him to compleat their number to the full complement ; which was generously granted by a resolve of the Governor and Commissioners August 16th; and the army advancing now

30 Historical Account of

beyond the settled parts of Pennsylvania, he made application to the colony of Virginia, where (under the countenance of Governor Fauquier) the men wanted were soon raised, and joined the army at Pittsburg, about the latter end of September.

Nothing material happened in their march, from Fort Loudoun to Fort Pitt, (formerly Fort Du Quesne) on the Ohio, three hundred and twenty miles west from Philadelphia; at which place Col. Bouquet arrived the 17th of September.

During this interval, several large convoys were forwarded under strong escorts; and though the enemy continued their ravages all that time on the frontiers, they durst not attack any of those convoys, which all arrived safe at Fort Pitt.

While Col. Bouquet was at Fort Loudoun, he received dispatches by express from Colonel Bradstreet, dated from Presque-Isle August 14th, acquainting him that he (Colonel Brad- street) had concluded a peace with the Dela- wares and Shawanese ; but Colonel Bouquet per- ceiving clearly that they were not sincere in their intentions, as they continued their murders and depredations, he determined to prosecute his plan without remission, till he should receive fur- ther instructions from General Gage ; who, upon the same principles, refused to ratify the treaty, and renewed his orders to both armies to attack the enemy.

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 31

About the time of Colonel Bouquet's arrival at Fort Pitt, ten Indians appeared on the north side of the Ohio, desiring a conference; which stratagem the savages had made use of before, to obtain intelligence of our numbers and inten- tions. Three of the party consented, though with apparent reluctance, to come over to the Fort; and as they could give no satisfactory reason for their visit, they were detained as spies, and their associates fled back to their towns.

On the 20th of September Colonel Bouquet sent one of the above three Indians after them with a message, in substance as follows— "I "have received an account from Colonel Brad- "" street that your nations had begged for peace, " which he had consented to grant, upon assur- ance that you had recalled all your warriors "from our frontiers; and in consequence there- of, I would not have proceeded against your "towns, if I had not heard that, in open viola- tion of your engagements, you have since mur- "dered several of our people.

"As soon as the rest of the army joins me, " which I expect immediately, I was therefore "determined to have attacked you, as a people "whose promises can no more be relied on. But "I will put it once more in your power to save "yourselves and your families from total de- struction, by giving us satisfaction for the hos- 4 ' tilities committed against us. And first you are to leave the path open for my expresses from

. .

32 Historical Account of

' hence to Detroit; and as I am now to send two* 'men with dispatches to Colonel Bradstreet who- ' commands on the lakes, I desire to know ' whether you will send two of your people with 'them to bring them safe back with an answer? 'And if they receive any injury either in going 'or coming, or if the letters are taken from them, 'I will immediately put the Indians now in my 'power to death, and will shew no mercy for 'the future to any of your nations that shall fall 'into my hands. I allow you ten days to have 'my letters delivered at Detroit, and ten days 'to bring me back an answer."

He added "that he had lately had it in his 'power, while they remained on the other side 'of the river, to have put their whole party to 'death, which punishment they had deserved by 'their former treachery; and that if they did 'not improve the clemency nowT offered to them,, 'by returning back as soon as possible with all 'their prisoners, they might expect to feel the 'full weight of a just vengeance and resent- 'ment."

We have been the more particular in our account of this first transaction with the Indians ; because the Colonel's firm and determined con- duct in opening the campaign, had happy effects in the prosecution of it, and shews by what meth- ods these faithless savages are to be best reduced to reason.

On the 1st of October, two of the Six Nation tribes, an Onondago and Oneida Indian, came to

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 33

Fort Pitt, and under colour of our ancient friendship with them, and their pretended regard to the English, endeavored to dissuade the Col- onel from proceeding with the army. They told him that his force was not sufficient to withstand the power of the numerous nations through whose country he was to pass, and assured him that if he would wait a little, they would all come and make peace with him; at the same time recommending it particularly to him to send back the two Indians detained as spies. These little arts being clearly made use of to spin out the season till the approach of winter should render it impossible to proceed, they made but little impression. He told them that he could not depend on the promises of the Delawares and Shawanese ; and was determined to proceed to Tuscarowas, where, if they had any thing to say, he would hear them.

In the mean time, he was using the utmost dili- gence to prepare for his march, and was obliged to enforce the severest discipline. One woman belonging to each corps, and two nurses for the general hospital, wTere all that were permitted to follow the army. The other women in the camp, and those unnecessary in the garrison, were ordered immediately down the country into the settlements. Two soldiers were shot for desertion; an example which became absolutely necessary to suppress a crime which, in such an expedition, would have been attended with fatal

34 Historical Account of

consequences, by weakening an army already too small.

Colonel Bouquet, having at length, with great difficulty, collected his troops, formed his magazines, and provided for the safety of the posts he was to leave behind him, was ready on the 2d of October to proceed from Fort Pitt, with ajjout 1500 men, including drivers and other necessary followers of the army.

As a just idea of the conduct of this expedi- tion, and the great caution taken to prevent sur- prize, will be best obtained from the order or march, we shall here insert it, with a Copper Plate for the illustration of it, and an accurate Draught, taken from actual surveys, of the road and adjacent country, through which the army passed.

The Colonel, expressing the greatest confi- dence in the bravery of the troops, told them, he did not doubt but this war would soon be ended "under God, to their own honour, and the "future safety of their country, provided the "men were strictly obedient to orders, and "guarded against the surprizes and sudden at- " tacks of a treacherous enemy, who never dared "to face British troops in an open field; that the "distance of the enemy's towns, and the clear- ing roads to them, must necessarily require a "considerable time; that the troops in those des- "erts, had no other supplies to expect but the "ammunition and provisions they carried with "them; and that therefore the utmost care and

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 35

" frugality would be necessary in the use of "them." He published the severest penalties against those who should be found guilty of stealing or embezzling any part of them, and ordered his March in the following manner.—

A corps of Virginia* volunteers advanced before the whole ; detaching three scouting par- ties. One of them, furnished with a -guide, marched in the center path, which the army was to follow. The other two extended themselves in a line a-breast, on the right and left of the aforesaid party, to reconnoitre the woods.

Under cover of this corps, the ax-men, consist- ing of all the artificers, and two companies of light infantry, followed in three divisions, under the direction of the chief engineer, to clear three different paths, in which the troops and the convoy followed, viz.—

The front-face of the square, composed of part of the 42d regiment, marched in a column, two deep, in the center path.

The right face of the square, composed of the remainder of the 42d and of the 60th regiment, marched in a single file in the right-hand path.

The first battalion of Pennsylvanians com- posed the left face, marching in like manner in the path to the left of the center.

The corps de reserve, composed of two pla-

♦These were the men raised in Virginia to compleat the Penn- sylvania troops, and were in the pay of the last mentioned province.

36 Historical Account of

toons of grenadiers, followed the right and left faces of the square.

The 2d battalion of Pennsylvanians formed the rear face of the square, and followed the corps de reserve, each in a single file, on the right and left hand paths ; all these troops cov- ering the convoy, which moved in the center path.

A party of light horse-men marched behind the rear-face of the square, followed by another corps of Virginia volunteers, forming the rear- guard.

The Pennsylvania volunteers, dividing them- selves equally, and marching in a single file, at a proper distance, flanked the right and left faces of the square.

This was the general order of march. Nor was less attention paid to particular matters of a subordinate nature. The ammunition and tools were placed in the rear of the first column, or front face of the square, followed by the officers' baggage, and tents. The oxen and sheep came after the baggage, in separate droves, properly guarded. The provisions came next to the baggage, in four divisions, or brigades of pack-horses, each conducted by a horse-master.

The troops were ordered to observe the most profound silence, and the men to march at two yards distance from one another. When the line or any part of it halted, the whole were to face outwards ; and if attacked on their march, they were to halt immediately, ready to form the

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 37

•square when ordered. The light horse were then to march into the square, with the cattle, pro- visions, ammunition and baggage. Proper dis- positions were likewise made in case of an attack in the night ; and for encampments, guards, com- munications between the Gentries, signals, and the like.

Things being thus settled, the army decamped from Fort-Pitt on Wednesday, October 3d, and marched about one mile and an half over a rich level country, with stately timber, to camp No. 2, a strong piece of ground, pleasantly situated, with plenty of water and food for cattle.

Thursday October 4th, having proceeded about two miles, they came to the Ohio, at the beginning of the narrows, and from thence fol- lowed the course of the river along a flat grav- elly beech, about six miles and a quarter; with two islands on their left, the lowermost about six miles long, with a rising ground running across, and gently sloping on both sides to its banks, which are high and upright. At the lower end of this island, the army left the river, marching through good land, broken with small hollows to camp No. 3; this day's march being nine miles and a quarter.—

Friday October 5th. In this day's march the army passed through Loggs-town, situated sev- enteen miles and an half, fifty seven perches, by the path, from Fort-Pitt. This place was noted before the last war for the great trade carried on there by the English and French; but its

38 Historical Account of

inhabitants, the Shawanese and Delawares, abandoned it in the year 1750. The lower town extended about sixty perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a low steep ridge, on the summit of which, near the declivity, stood the upper town, commanding a most agreeable prospect over the lower, and quite across the Ohio, which is about 500 yards wTide here, and by its majestic easy current adds much to the beauty of the place. Proceeding beyond Logg 's-town, through a fine country, interspersed with hills and rich valleys, watered by many rivulets, and covered with stately timber, they came to camp No. 4; on a level piece of ground, with a thicket in the rear, a small precipice round the front, with a run of water at the foot, and good food for cattle. This day's march was nine miles, one half, and fifty three perches.

Satukday October 6th, at about three miles distance from this camp, they came again to the Ohio, pursuing its course half a mile farther, and then turning off, over a steep ridge, they crossed Big Beaver-creek, which is twenty perches wide, the ford stony and pretty deep. It runs through a rich vale, with a pretty strong current, its banks high, the upland adjoining it very good, the timber tall and young.— About a mile below its confluence with the Ohio, stood formerly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French of square logs, with stone chim- neys, for some of the Shawanese, Delaware and Mingo tribes, who abandoned it in the year 1758,

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 39

when the French deserted Fort Du Quesne. Near the fording of Beaver-creek also stood about seven houses, which were deserted and destroyed by the Indians, after their defeat at Bushy-Run, when they forsook all their remain- ing settlements in this part of the country, as has been mentioned above.

About two miles before the army came to Beaver-creek, one of our people who had been made prisoner by six Delawares about a week before, near Fort Bedford, having made his escape from them, came and informed the Col- onel that these Indians had the day before fallen in with the army, but kept themselves concealed, being surprised at our numbers. Two miles beyond Beaver-creek, by two small springs, was seen the scull of a child, that had been fixed on a pole by the Indians. The Tracts of 15 Indians were this day discovered. The camp No. 5 is seven miles one quarter and fifty seven perches from big Beaver-creek ; the whole march of this day being about twelve miles.

Sunday 7th October, passing a high ridge, they had a fine prospect of an extensive country to the right, which in general appeared level, with abundance of tall timber. The camp No. 6 lies at the foot of a steep descent, in a rich val- ley, on a strong ground, three sides thereof sur- rounded by a hollow, and on the fourth side a small hill, which was occupied by a detached guard. This day's march was six miles sixty five perches.

40 Historical Account of

Monday 8th October, the army crossed little Beaver-creek, and one of its branches. This creek is eight perches wide, with a good ford, the country about it interspersed with hills, rivu- lets and rich valleys, like that described above. Camp No. 7 lies by a small run on the side of a hill, commanding the ground about it, and is dis- tant eleven miles one quarter and forty nine perches from the last encampment.

Tuesday October 9th. In this day's march, the path divided into two branches, that to the southwest leading to the lower towns upon the Muskingham. In the forks of the path stand several trees painted by the Indians, in a hiero- glyphic manner, denoting the number of wars in which they have been engaged, and the particu- lars of their success in prisoners and scalps. The camp No. 8 lies on a run, and level piece of ground, with Yellow-creek close on the left, and a rising ground near the rear of the right face. The path after the army left the forks was so brushy and entangled, that they were obliged to cut all the way before them, and also to lay several bridges, in order to make it pass- able for the horses; so that this day they pro- ceeded only five miles, three quarters and seventy perches.

Wednesday 10th. Marched one mile with Yellow-creek on the left at a small distance all the way, and crossed it at a good ford fifty feet wide; proceeding through an alternate succes- sion of small hills and rich vales, finely watered

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 41

with rivulets, to camp No. 9, seven miles and sixty perches in the whole.

Thursday 11th. Crossed a branch of Mus- kingham river about fifty feet wide, the country much the same as that described above, discover- ing a good deal of free-stone. The camp No. 10. had this branch of the river parallel to its left face, and lies ten miles one quarter and forty perches from the former encampment.

Friday 12th. Keeping the aforesaid creek on their left, they marched through much fine land, watered with small rivers and springs ; proceed- ing likewise through several savannahs or cleared spots, wThich are by nature extremely beautiful ; the second which they passed being, in particu- lar, one continued plain of near two miles, with a fine rising ground forming a semicircle around the right hand side, and a pleasant stream of water at about a quarter of a mile distant on the left. The camp No. 11. has the abovementioned branch of Muskingham on the left, and is dis- tant ten miles and three quarters from the last encampment.

Saturday 13th. Crossed Nemenshehelas creek, about fifty feet wide, a little above where it empties itself into the aforesaid branch of Muskingham, having in their way a pleasant prospect over a large plain, for near two miles on the left. A little further, they came to another small river which they crossed about fifty perches above where it empties into the said branch of the Muskingham. Here a high ridge

42 Historical Account of

on the right, and the creek close on the left, form a narrow defile about seventy perches long. Passing afterwards over a very rich bottom, they came to the main branch of Muskingham, about seventy yards wide, with a good ford. A little below and above the forks of this river is Tuscarowas, a place exceedingly beautiful by situation, the lands rich on both sides of the river; the country on the north-west side being an entire level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference. From the ruined houses appear- ing here, the Indians who inhabited the place and are now with the Delawares, are supposed to have had about one hundred and fifty war- riors. This camp No. 12. is distant eight miles nineteen perches from the former.

Sunday 14th. The army remained in camp; and two men who had been dispatched by Col- onel Bouquet from Fort-Pitt, with letters for Colonel Bradstreet, returned and reported— "That, within a few miles of this place, they had "been made prisoners by the Delawares, and "carried to one of their towns sixteen miles from "hence, where they were kept, till the savages, "knowing of the arrival of the army here, set "them at liberty, ordering them to acquaint the "Colonel that the head men of the Delawares "and Shawanese were coming as soon as possi- ble to treat of peace with him."

Monday 15th. The army moved two miles forty perches further down the Muskingham to camp No. 13, situated on a very high bank, with

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. . 43

the river at the foot of it, which is upwards of 100 yards wide at this place, with a fine level country at some distance from its banks, pro- ducing stately timber, free from underwood, and plenty of food for cattle.

The day following, six Indians came to inform the Colonel that all their chiefs were assembled about eight miles from the camp, and were ready to treat with him of peace, which they were earnestly desirous of obtaining. He returned for answer that he would meet them the next day in a bower at some distance from the camp. In the mean time, he ordered a small stockaded fort to be built to deposite provisions for the use of the troops on their return ; and to lighten the convoy.

As several large bodies of Indians were now within a few miles of the camp, whose former instances of treachery, although they now de- clared they came for peace, made it prudent to trust nothing to their intentions, the strictest orders were repeated to prevent a surprise.

Wednesday 17th. The Colonel, with most of the regular troops, Virginia volunteers and light horse, marched from the camp to the bower erected for the congress. And soon after the troops were stationed, so as to appear to the best advantage, the Indians arrived, and were con- ducted to the bower. Being seated, they began, in a short time, to smoak their pipe or calumet, agreeable to their custom. This ceremony being over, their speakers laid down their pipes,

44 Historical Account of

and opened their pouches, wherein were their strings and belts of wampum. The Indians present were,

Sexecas.

Kiyashuta, chief with 15 warriors.

i

Delawaees.

Custaloga, chief of the Wolfe-tribe, Beaver, chief of the Turky-tribe, with 20 warriors.

Shawanese. Keissinautchtha, a chief, and 6 warriors.

Kiyashuta, Turtle-Heart, Custaloga and Beaver, were the speakers.

The general substance of what they had to offer, consisted in excuses for their late treachery and misconduct, throwing the blame on the rash- ness of their young men and the nations living to the westward of them, suing for peace in the most abject manner, and promising severally to deliver up all their prisoners. After they had concluded, the Colonel promised to give them an answer the next day, and then dismissed them, the army returning to the camp.— The badness of the weather, however, prevented his meeting them again till the 20th, when he spoke to them in substance as follows, viz.

"That their pretences to palliate their guilt "by throwing the blame on the western nations, "and the rashness of their young men, were "weak and frivolous, as it was in our power to

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 45

"have protected them against all these nations, "if they had solicited our assistance, and that it "was their own duty to have chastised their "young men when they did wrong, and not to "suffer themselves to be directed by them."

He recapitulated to them many instances of their former perfidy— "their killing or captivat- "ing the traders who had been sent among them "at their own request, and plundering their "effects;— their attacking Fort Pitt, which had "been built with their express consent; their "murdering four men that had been sent on a. "public message to them, thereby violating the "customs held sacred among all nations, how- "ever barbarous;— their attacking the King's "troops last year in the woods, and after being * ' defeated in that attempt, falling upon our f ron- " tiers, where they had continued to murder our "people to this day, &c."—

He told them how treacherously they had vio- lated even their late engagements with Colonel Bradstreet, to whom they had promised to de- liver up their prisoners by the 10th of September last, and to recall all their warriors from the frontiers, which they had been so far from com- plying with, that the prisoners still remained in their custody, and some of their people were even now continuing their depredations ; adding, that these things which he had mentioned, were only "a small part of their numberless murders "and breaches of faith; and that their conduct "had always been equally perfidious.— "You have,

46 Historical Account of

' said he, promised at every former treaty, as 'you do now, that you would deliver up all your 'prisoners, and have received every time, on 'that account, considerable presents, but have 'never complied with that or any other engage- 'ment. I am now to tell you, therefore, that we 'will be no longer imposed upon by your prom- 'ises. This army shall not leave your country 'till you have fully complied with every condi- tion that is to precede my treaty with you.

"I have brought with me the relations of the 'people you have massacred, or taken prisoners. 'They are impatient for revenge; and it is with 'great difficulty that I can protect you against 'their just resentment, wThich is only restrained 'by the assurances given them that no peace 'shall ever be concluded till you have given us 'full satisfaction."—

"Your former allies, the Ottawas, Chip was, 'Wyandots, and others, have made their peace 'with us. The Six Nations have joined us 'against you. We now surround you, having 'possession of all the waters of the Ohio, the 'Missisippi, the Miamis, and the lakes. All the 'French living in those parts are now subjects 'of Great-Britain, and dare no longer assist you. 'It is therefore in our power totally to extirpate 'you from being a people— But the English are 'a merciful and generous nation, averse to shed 'the blood, even of their most cruel enemies; 'and if it was possible that you could convince 'us, that you sincerely repent of your past per-

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 47

'fidy, and that we could depend on your good ' behavior for the future, you might yet hope for 6 mercy and peace— If I find that you faithfully ' execute the following preliminary conditions, 'I will not treat you with the severity you ' deserve.

"I give you twelve days from this date to ' deliver into my hands at Wakatamake all the ' prisoners in your possession, without any ex- ception; Englishmen, Frenchmen, women and 6 children; whether adopted in your tribes, mar- 'ried, or living amongst you under any denomi- nation and pretence whatsoever, together with ' all negroes. And you are to furnish the said ' prisoners with cloathing, provisions, and ' horses, to carry them to Port Pitt.

"When you have fully complied with these 'conditions, you shall then know on what terms ' you may obtain the peace you sue for." —

This speech made an impression on the minds of the savages, which, it is hoped, will not soon be eradicated. The firm and determined spirit with which the Colonel delivered himself, their consciousness of the aggravated injuries they had done us, and the view of the same com- mander and army that had so severely chastised them at Bushy-Run the preceding year, now advanced into the very heart of their remote settlements, after penetrating through wilder- nesses which they had deemed impassable by reg- ular troops— all these things contributed to bend the haughty temper of the savages to the lowest

48 Historical Account of

degree of abasement ; so that even their speeches seem to exhibit but few specimens of that strong and ferocious eloquence, which their inflexible spirit of independency has on former occasions inspired. And though it is not to be doubted, if an opportunity had offered, but they would have fallen upon our army with their usual fierceness, yet when they saw the vigilance and spirit of our troops were such, that they could neither be attacked nor surprized with any pros- pect of success, their spirits seemed to revolt from the one extreme of insolent boldness, to the other of abject timidity. And happy will it be for them and for us, if the instances of our humanity and mercy, which they experienced in that critical situation, shall make as lasting im- pressions on their savage dispositions, as it is believed the instances of our bravery and power have done ; so that they may come to unite, with their fear of the latter, a love of the former ; and have their minds graduallyopened, by such exam- ples, to the mild dictates of peace and civility. The reader, it is to be hoped, will readily ex- cuse this digression, if it should be thought one. I now resume our narrative. The two Delaware chiefs, at the close of their speech on the 17th, delivered eighteen white prisoners, and eighty- three small sticks, expressing the number of other prisoners which they had in their posses- sion, and promised to bring in as soon as possi- ble. None of the Shawanese Kings appeared at the congress, and Keissinautchtha their deputy

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 49

declined speaking until the Colonel had answered the Delawares, and then with a dejected sullen- ness he promised, in behalf of his nation, that they would submit to the terms prescribed to the other tribes.

The Colonel however, determined to march farther into their country, knowing that the presence of his army would be the best security for the performance of their promises; and required some of each nation to attend him in his march.

Kiyashtjta addressed the several nations, before their departure, " desiring them to be "strong in complying with their engagements, "that they might wipe away the reproach of "their former breach of faith, and convince "their brothers the English that they could speak "the truth; adding that he would conduct the "army to the place appointed for receiving the "prisoners."

Monday October 22d. The army, attended by the Indian deputies, marched nine miles to camp No. 14. crossing Margaret's creek about fifty feet wide— The day following, they pro- ceeded sixteen miles one quarter and seventy seven perches farther to camp No. 15. and halted there one day.

Thursday 25. They marched six miles, one half and sixteen perches to camp No. 16, situ- ated within a mile of the Forks of Muskingham ; and this place was fixed upon instead of Wakau- tamike, as the most central and convenient

50 Historical Account of

place to receive the prisoners ; for the principal Indian towns now lay around them, distant from seven to twenty miles; excepting only the lower Shawanese town situated on Scioto river, which was about eighty miles ; so that from this place the army had it in their power to awe all the enemy's settlements and destroy their towns, if they should not punctually fulfil the engage- ments they had entered into.— Four redoubts were built here opposite to the four angles of the camp ; the ground in the front was cleared, a store-house for the provisions erected, and like- wise a house to receive, and treat of peace with, the Indians, when they should return. Three houses with separate apartments were also raised for the reception of the captives of the respective provinces, and proper officers appointed to take charge of them, with a matron to attend the women and children; so that with the officers ' mess houses, ovens, &c. this camp had the appear- ance of a little town in which the greatest order and regularity were observed.

On Saturday 27th. A messenger arrived from king Custaloga, informing that he was on his way with his prisoners, and also a messenger from the lower Shawanese towns of the like import. The Colonel, however, having no reason to suspect the latter nation of backwardness, sent one of their own people, desiring them— " to be '" punctual as to the time fixed; to provide a suf- "ficient quantity of provisions to subsist the "prisoners ; to bring the letters wrote to him last

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 51

" winter by the French commandant at Fort "Chartres, which some of their people had "stopped ever since;" adding that, "as their "nation had expressed some uneasiness at our "not shaking hands with them, they were to "know that the English never took their enemies "by the hand, before peace was finally con- " eluded.' '

The day following the Shawanese messenger returned, saying that when he had proceeded as far as Wakautamike, the chief of that town undertook to proceed with the message himself, and desired the other to return and acquaint the English that all his prisoners were ready, and he was going to the lower towns to hasten theirs.

October 28th. Peter the Caughnawaga chief, and twenty Indians of that nation arrived from Sanduski, with a letter from Colonel Bradstreet, in answer to one which Colonel Bouquet had sent to him from Fort-Pitt, by two of the Indians who first spoke to him in favour of the Shaw- anese, as hath been already mentioned. The substance of Colonel Bradstreet 's letter was "that he had settled nothing with the Shawanese "and Dela wares, nor received any prisoners "from them.— That he had acquainted all the "Indian nations, as far as the Illinois, the bay, "&c. with the instructions he had received from "General Gage, respecting the peace he had "lately made ; that he had been in Sanduski-lake "and up the river, as far as navigable for Indian

52 Historical Account of

" canoes, for near a month; but that he found it " impossible to stay longer in these parts; abso- "lute necessity obliging him to turn off the other "way,"&c.

Colonel Bradstreet, without doubt, did all. which circumstances would permit, in his depart- ment; but his not being able to remain at San- duski agreeable to the original plan, till matters were finally settled with the Ohio Indians, would have been an unfavourable incident, if Colonel Bouquet had not now had the chiefs of sundry tribes with him, and was so far advanced into the Indian country, that they thought it advise- able to submit to the conditions imposed upon them.

The Caughnawagas reported that the Indians on the lakes had delivered but few of their pris- oners; that the Ottawas had killed a great part of theirs, and the other nations had either done the same, or else kept them.

From this time to November 9th, was chiefly spent in sending and receiving messages to and from the Indian towns, relative to the prisoners, who were now coming into the camp one day after another in small parties, as the different nations arrived in whose possession they had been. The Colonel kept so stedfastly to this- article of having every prisoner delivered, that when the Delaware kings, Beaver and Custaloga, had brought in all theirs except twelve, which they promised to bring in a few days, he refused'

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 53

to shake hands or have the least talk with them, while a single captive remained among them.

By the 9th of November, most of the prisoners were arrived that could be expected this season, amounting to 206* in the whole; besides about 100 more in possession of the Shawanese, which they promised to deliver the following spring. Mr. Smallman, formerly a major in the Pennsyl- vania troops, who had been taken last summer near Detroit by the Wyandots, and delivered to the Shawanese, was among the number of those whom they now brought in, and informed the Colonel that the reason of their not bringing the remainder of their prisoners, was that many of their principal men, to whom they belonged, were gone to trade with the French, and would not return for six weeks ; but that every one of their nation who were at home, had either brought or sent theirs. He further said that, on the army's first coming into the country; it had been reported among the Shawanese that our intention was to destroy them all, on which they had resolved to kill their prisoners and fight us ; that a French trader who was with them, and had many barrels of powder and ball, made them a present of the whole, as soon as they had come to this resolution ; but that, happily for the poor

♦Virginians, Males 32

Females and Children 58

Pennsylvanians, Males 49

Females and Children 67

In all 206

54 Historical Account of

captives, just as the Shawanese were preparing to execute this tragedy, they received the Col- oners message, informing them that his inten- tions were only to receive the prisoners and to make peace with them on the same terms he should give to the Delawares.

On this intelligence they suspended their cruel purpose, and began to collect as many of the prisoners as they had power to deliver; but hearing immediately afterwards that one of our soldiers had been killed near the camp- at Mus- kingham, and that some of their nation were suspected as guilty of the murder, they again imagined they would fall under our resentment, and therefore determined once more to stand out against us. For which purpose, after having brought their prisoners as far as Wakautamike, where they heard this news, they collected them all into a field and were going to kill them, when a second express providentially arrived from Colonel Bouquet, who assured them that their nation was not even suspected of having any concern in the aforesaid murder; upon which they proceeded to the camp to deliver up the captives, who had thus twice so narrowly escaped becoming the victims of their barbarity.

On Friday, November 9th, the Colonel, at- tended by most of the principal officers, went to the conference-house. The Senecas and Dela- wares were first treated with. Kiyashuta and ten warriors represented the former. Custaloga and twenty warriors the latter.

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 55

Kiyashuta spoke— " With this string of " wampum, we wipe the tears from your eyes— "we deliver you these three prisoners, which are "the last of your flesh and blood that remained "among the Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of "Dela wares, we gather together and bury with "this belt1" all the bones of the people that have "been killed during this unhappy war, which the "Evil Spirit occasioned among us. We cover "the bones that have been buried, that they may "never more be remembered— We again cover "their place with leaves that it may be no more "seen.— As we have been long astray, and the "path between you and us stopped, we extend "this belt that it may be again cleared, and we "may travel in peace to see our brethren as our "ancestors formerly did. While you hold it fast "by one end, and we by the other, we shall always "be able to discover any thing that may disturb ' i our friendship. ' '—

The Colonel answered that "he had heard "them with pleasure ; that he received these three "last prisoners they had to deliver, and joined "in burying the bones of those who had fallen "in the war, so that their place might be no "more known. The peace you ask for, you shall "now have. The king, my master and your "father, has appointed me only to make war; "but he has other servants who are employed in "the work of peace. Sir William Johnson is

fA belt or string is always delivered when thus mentioned. [I. 1 1 h I: w .1 , , ,

56 Historical Account of

' empowered for that purpose. To him you are 'to apply; but before I give you leave to go, two ' things are to be settled.

1. "As peace cannot be finally concluded 'here, you will deliver me two hostages for the 'Senecas, and two for Custaloga's tribe, to 'remain in our hands at Fort Pitt, as a security, 'that you shall commit no further hostilities or 'violence against any of his majesty's subjects; ' and when the peace is concluded these hostages 'shall be delivered safe back to you.

2. "The deputies you are to send to Sir Wil- 'liam Johnson, must be fully empowered to treat 'for your tribes, and you shall engage to abide 'by whatever they stipulate. In that treaty, 'every thing concerning trade and other matters 'will be settled by Sir William, to render the 'peace everlasting; and the deputies you are to ' send to him, as wrell as the hostages to be deliv- 'ered to me, are to be named and presented to 'me for my approbation. "—

The Colonel, after promising to deliver back two of their people, Capt. Pipe, and Capt. John, whom he had detained at Fort-Pitt, took the chiefs by the hand for the first time, which gave them great joy.

The next conference was on November 10th, with the Turky and Turtle tribes of Delawares, King Beaver their chief and thirty warriors representing the former; and Kelappama

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 57

brother to their chief* with twenty-five warriors the latter. The Seneca's and Custaloga's tribes of Delawares were also present. Their speech and the answer given, were much the same as above; excepting that the Colonel in- sisted on their delivering up an Englishman, who had murdered one of our people on the frontiers and brought the scalp to them; and that they should appoint the same number of deputies and deliver the same number of hostages, for each of their tribes, as had been stipulated for Custa- loga's tribe.

November 11. King Beaver presented six hostages to remain with Col. Bouquet, and five deputies to treat with Sir William Johnson, who were approved of. This day he acquainted the chiefs present that he had great reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of Nettowhatways, the chief of the Turtle tribe who had not appeared, he therefore deposed him; and that tribe were to chuse and present another for his approbation. This they did a few days after- wards—Smile not, reader, at this transaction; for though it may not be attended with so many splendid and flattering circumstances to a com- mander, as the deposing an East Indian Nabob or chief; yet to penetrate into the wildernesses where those stern West Indian Chieftains hold their sway, and to frown them from their throne ; though but composed of the unhewn log,

♦The Chief of the Turtle-tribe, for some reason, chose to absent kimself.

58 Historical Account of

will be found to require both resolution and firm- ness ; and their submitting to it clearly shews to what degree of humiliatation they were reduced.

But to proceed. The Shawanese still re- mained to be treated with, and though this nation saw themselves under the necessity of yielding to the same conditions with the other tribes, yet there had appeared a dilatoriness and sullen haughtiness in all their conduct, which rendered it very suspicious.

The 12th of November was appointed for the conference with them; which was managed on their part by Keissinautchtha and Nimwha their chiefs, with the Red Hawke, Lavissimo, Bensiv- asica, Eweecunwee, Keigleighque, and forty warriors; the Caughnawaga, Seneca and Dela- ware chiefs, with about sixty warriors, being also present.

The Red Hawke was their speaker, and as he delivered himself with a strange mixture of fierce pride, and humble submission, I shall add a passage or two from his speech. "Brother,

"Yoit will listen to us your younger brothers; "and as we discover something in your eyes that "looks dissatisfaction with us, we now wipe away "every thing bad between us that you may "clearly see— You have heard many bad stories "of us— We clean your ears that you may hear— "We remove every thing bad from your heart, "that it may be like the heart of your ancestors,

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 59

"when they thought of nothing but good." [Here he gave a string.]

"Brother; when we saw you coming this road, "you advanced towards us with a tomahawk in "your hand; but we your younger brothers take "it out of your hands and throw it up to God1" "to dispose of as he pleases; by which means "we hope never to see it more. And now, "brother, we beg leave that you who are a war- "rior, will take hold of this chain (giving a "string) of friendship, and receive it from us, "who are also warriors, and let us think no more "of war, in pity to our old men, women and "children"— Intimating, by this last expression, that it was mere compassion to them, and not inability to fight, that made their nation desire peace.

He then produced a treaty held with the gov- ernment of Pennsylvania 1701, and three messages or letters from that government of different dates ; and concluded thus :

"Now, Brother, I beg We who are warriors "may forget our disputes, and renew the friend- ship which appears by these papers to have "subsisted between our fathers."— He promised, in behalf of the rest of their nation, who were gone to a great distance to hunt, and could not have notice to attend the treaty, that they should

tTheir usual figure for making peace is burying the hatchet; but as such hatchets may be dug up again, perhaps he thought this new expression of "sending it up to God, or the Good Spirit," a much stronger emblem of the permanency and steadfastness of the peace now to be made.

60 Historical Account of

certainly come to Fort-Pitt in the spring, and bring the remainder of the prisoners with them.

As the season was far advanced, and the Col- onel could not stay long in these remote parts, he was obliged to rest satisfied with the prisoners the Shawanese had brought; taking hostages, and laying them under the strongest obligations, for the delivery of the rest; knowing that no other effectual method could at present be pur- sued.

He expostulated with them on account of their past conduct, and told them— " that the speech "they had delivered would have been agreeable "to him, if their actions had corresponded with "their words. You have spoken, said he, much "of peace, but have neglected to comply with "the only condition, upon which you can obtain "it. Keissinautchtha, one of your chiefs, met "me a month ago at Tuscarawas, and accepted "the same terms of peace for your nation, that "were prescribed to the Senecas and Delawares; "promising in ten days from that time to meet "me here with all your prisoners— After wait- "ing for you till now, you are come at last, only "with a part of them, and propose putting off "the delivery of the rest till the spring.— What "right have you to expect different terms from "those granted to the Delawares, &c. who have "given me entire satisfaction by their ready sub- " mission to every thing required of them?— "But I will cut this matter short with you; and "before I explain myself further, I insist on

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 61

' your immediate answer to the following ques- tions—

1st. "Will you forthwith collect and deliver 'up all the prisoners yet in your possession, 'and the French living among you, with all the 'Negroes you have taken from us in this or 'any other war; and that without any exception 'or evasion whatsoever?"

2d. "Will you deliver six hostages into my 'hands as a security for your punctual perf orm- 'ance of the above article, and that your nations 'shall commit no farther hostilities against the 'persons or property of his majesty's subjects ?" Benevissico replied that "they agreed to give 'the hostages required, and said that he himself 'would immediately return to their lower towns 'and collect all our flesh and blood that remained 'among them, and that we should see them at 'Fort-Pitt1" as soon as possible.— That, as to 'the French, they had no power over them. 'They were subjects to the king of England. 'We might do with them what we pleased; 'though he believed they were all returned 'before this time to their own country."—

They then delivered their hostages, and the Colonel told them "that though he had brought "a Tomahawk in his hand, yet as they had now "submitted, he would not let it fall on their "heads, but let it drop to the ground, no more "to be seen. He exhorted them to exercise kind- tit will appear, by the postscript to this account, that the Shawanese have fulfilled this engagement.

62 Historical Account of

"ness to the captives, and look upon them now "as brothers and no longer prisoners; adding, "that he intended to send some of their relations "along with the Indians, to see their friends col- lected and brought to Fort-Pitt. He promised "to give them letters to Sir William Johnson, "to facilitate a final peace, and desired them to "be strong in performing every thing stipu- "lated.,,

The Caughnawagas, the Delawares and Sene- cas, severally addressed the Shawanese, as grandchildren and nephews, "to perform their "promises, and to be strong in doing good, that "this peace might be everlasting."—

And here I am to enter on a scene, reserved on purpose for this place, that the thread of the foregoing narrative might not be interrupted— a scene, which language indeed can but weakly describe; and to which the Poet or Painter might have repaired to enrich their highest col- ourings of the variety of human passions; the Philosopher to find ample subject for his most serious reflections; and the Man to exercise all the tender and sympathetic feelings of the soul.

The scene I mean, was the arrival of the pris- oners in the camp ; where were to be seen fathers and mothers recognizing and clasping their once- lost babes; husbands hanging around the necks of their newly-recovered wives; sisters and brothers unexpectedly meeting together after long separation, scarce able to speak the same language, or, for some time, to be sure that they

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 63

were children of the same parents ! In all these interviews, joy and rapture inexpressible were seen, while feelings of a very different nature were painted in the looks of others ;— flying from place to place in eager enquiries after relatives not found! trembling to receive an answer to their questions! distracted with doubts, hopes and fears, on obtaining no account of those they sought for! or stiffened into living monuments of horror and woe, on learning their unhappy fate!

The Indians too, as if wholly forgetting their usual savageness, bore a capital part in heighten- ing this most affecting scene. They delivered up their beloved captives with the utmost reluc- tance ; shed torrents of tears over them, recom- mending them to the care and protection of the commanding officer. Their regard to them con- tinued all the time they remained in camp. They visited them from day to day ; and brought them what corn, skins, horses and other matters, they had bestowed on them, while in their fam- ilies; accompanied with other presents, and all the marks of the most sincere and tender affec- tion. Nay, they did not stop here, but, when the army marched, some of the Indians solicited and obtained leave to accompany their former captives all the way to Fort-Pitt, and employed themselves in hunting and bringing provisions for them on the road. A young Mingo carried this still further, and gave an instance of love which would make a figure even in romance. A

64 Historical Account of

young woman of Virginia was among the cap- tives, to whom he had formed so strong an attachment, as to call her his wife. Against all remonstrances of the imminent danger to which he exposed himself by approaching to the fron- tiers, he persisted in following her, at the risk of being killed by the surviving relations of many unfortunate persons, who had been capti- vated or scalped by those of his nation.

Those qualities in savages challenge our just esteem. They should make us charitably con- sider their barbarities as the effects of wrong education, and false notions of bravery and hero- ism; while we should look on their virtues as sure marks that nature has made them fit sub- jects of cultivation as well as us ; and that we are called by our superior advantages to yield them all the helps we can in this way. Cruel and unmer- ciful as they are, by habit and long example, in war, yet whenever they come to give way to the native dictates of humanity, they exercise vir- tues which Christians need not blush to imitate. "When they once determine to give life, they give every thing with it, which, in their apprehen- sion, belongs to it. From every enquiry that has been made, it appears— that no woman thus saved is preserved from base motives, or need fear the violation of her honour. No child is otherwise treated by the persons adopting it than the children of their own body. The per- petual slavery of those captivated in war, is a notion which even their barbarity has not yet

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 65

suggested to them. Every captive whom their affection, their caprice, or whatever else, leads them to save, is soon incorporated with them, and fares alike with themselves.

These instances of Indian tenderness and humanity were thought worthy of particular notice. The like instances among our own peo- ple will not seem strange ; and therefore I shall only mention one, out of a multitude that might be given on this occasion.

Amoxg the captives, a woman was brought into the camp at Muskingham, with a babe about three months old at her breast. One of the Vir- ginia-volunteers soon knew her to be his wife, who had been taken by the Indians about six months before. She was immediately delivered to her overjoyed husband. He flew with her to his tent, and cloathed her and his child in proper apparel. But their joy, after the first trans- ports, was soon damped by the reflection that another dear child of about two years old, capti- vated with the mother, and separated from her, was still missing, altho ' many children had been brought in.

A few days afterwards, a number of other prisoners were brought to the camp, among whom were several more children. The woman was sent for, and one, supposed to be hers, was produced to her. At first sight she was uncer- tain, but viewing the child writh great earnest- ness, she soon recollected its features; and was so overcome with joy, that literally forgetting

66 Historical Account of

her sucking child she dropt it from her arms, and catching up the new found child in an extasy, pressed it to her breast, and bursting into tears carried it off, unable to speak for joy. The father seizing up the babe she had let fall, followed her in no less transport and affection.

Among the children who had been carried off young, and had long lived with the Indians, it is not to be expected that any marks of joy would appear on being restored to their parents or relatives. Having been accustomed to look upon the Indians as the only connexions they had, having been tenderly treated by them, and speaking their language, it is no wonder that they considered their new state in the light of a captivity, and parted from the savages with tears.

But it must not be denied that there were even some grown persons who shewed an unwill- ingness to return. The Shawanese were obliged to bind several of their prisoners and force them along to the camp; and some women, who had been delivered up, afterwards found means to escape and run back to the Indian towns. Some, who could not make their escape, clung to their savage acquaintance at parting, and continued many days in bitter lamentations, even refusing sustenance.

For the honour of humanity, we would sup- pose those persons to have been of the lowest rank, either bred up in ignorance and distress- ing penury, or who had lived so long with the

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 67

Indians as to forget all their former connections. For, easy and unconstrained as the savage life is, certainly it could never be put in competition with the blessings of improved life and the light of religion, by any persons who have had the happiness of enjoying, and the capacity of dis- cerning, them.

Every thing being now settled with the In- dians, the army decamped on Sunday 18th No- vember, and marched for Fort-Pitt, where it arrived on the 28th. The regular troops were immediately sent to garrison the different posts on the communication, and the provincial troops., with the captives, to their several provinces. Here ended this expedition, in which it is remarkable that, notwithstanding the many difficulties attending it, the troops were never in want of any necessaries; continuing perfectly healthy during the whole campaign ; in which no life was lost, except the man mentioned to have been killed at Muskingham.

In the beginning of January 1765, Colonel Bouquet arrived at Philadelphia, receiving, wherever he came, every possible mark of grati- tude and esteem from the people in general ; and particularly from the overjoyed relations of the captives, whom he had so happily, and without bloodshed, restored to their country and friends. Nor was the legislative part of the provinces less sensible of his important services. The assem- bly of Pennsylvania, at their first sitting, unani- mously voted him the following address.

68 Historical Account of

In ASSEMBLY, January 15, 1765, A. M. To the Honourable HENRY BOUQUET, Esq;

Commander in Chief of His MAJESTY'S

Forces in the Southern Department

of AMERICA,

The Address of the Representatives of the Free- men of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met.

SIR,

THE representatives of the freemen of the province of Pennsylvania, in general ' assembly met, being informed that you intend ' shortly to embark for England, and moved with 'a due sense of the important services you have * rendered to his majesty, his northern colonies 'in general, and to this province in particular, 'during our late wars with the French and bar- 'barous Indians, in the remarkable victory over 'the savage enemy, united to oppose you, near 'Bushy-Run, in August 1763, when on your 'march for the relief of Pittsburg, owing, under 'God, to your intrepidity and superior skill in 'command, together with the bravery of your 'officers and little army; as also in your late 'march to the country of the savage nations, with 'the troops under your direction, thereby strik- 'ing terror through the numerous Indian tribes 'around you; laying a foundation for a lasting 'as well as honourable peace with them; and res- ' cuing, from savage captivity, upwards of two

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 69

4 hundred of our christian brethren, prisoners 4 among them: these eminent services, and your ' constant attention to the civil rights of his ^majesty's subjects in this province, demand, i Sir, the grateful tribute of thanks from all good ' men; and therefore we, the representatives of 'the freemen of Pennsylvania, unanimously for ' ourselves, and in behalf of all the people of 'this province, do return you our most sincere 'and hearty thanks for these your great services, 'wishing you a safe and pleasant voyage to Eng- 'land, with a kind and gracious reception from 'his majesty.

' Signed, by order of the House,

'JOSEPH FOX, Speaker/

'The Colonel's Answer was as follows, viz.

To the Honourable the Kepresentatives of the Freemen of the province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met.

'Gentlemen,

WITH a heart impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude, I return you 'my humble and sincere thanks, for the honour 'you have done me in your polite address of the '15th of January, transmitted me to New- York 'by your speaker.

'Next to the approbation of His Sacred 'Majesty, and my superiour officers, nothing could 'afford me higher pleasure than your favourable

70 Historical Account of

' opinion of my conduct, in the discharge of those ' military commands with which I have been ' intrusted.

'Gratitude as well as justice demand of me 'to acknowledge, that the aids granted by the ' legislature of this province, and the constant ' assistance and support afforded me by the ' honourable the Governor and Commissioners 'in the late expedition, have enabled me to re- cover so many of his Majesty's subjects from a 'cruel captivity, and be the happy instrument ' of restoring them to freedom and liberty : To 'you therefore, gentlemen, is the greater share 'of that merit due, which you are generously 'pleased on this occasion to impute to my serv- 'ices.

'Your kind testimony of my constant atten- tion to the civil rights of his majesty's subjects 'in this Province, does me singular honour, and 'calls for the return of my warmest acknowl- ' edgments.

'Permit me to take this public opportunity of 'doing justice to the officers of the regular and 'provincial troops, and the volunteers, who have 'served with me, by declaring that, under Divine 'Providence, the repeated successes of his 'Majesty's arms against a savage enemy, are 'principally to be ascribed to their courage and 'resolution, and to their perseverance under the 'severest hardships and fatigue.

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 71

'I sincerely wish prosperity and happiness to 'the province, and have the honour to be, with 'the greatest respect, Gentlemen,

'Your most obedient, and most humble servant, 'HENRY BOUQUET.' February 4, 1765.

Soon afterwards the Colonel received a very polite and affectionate letter from Governor Fauquier, dated 25th of December, inclosing resolves of the honourable members of his Majesty's Council, and of the house of Bur- gesses, for the colony and dominion of Virginia.

Those respectable bodies unanimously re- turned their thanks to him for the activity, spirit and zeal, with which he had reduced the Indians to terms of peace, and compelled those savages to deliver up so many of his Majesty's subjects whom they had in captivity. They further requested the Governor to recommend him to his Majesty's ministers, as an officer of distin- guished merit, in this and every former service in which he has been engaged.

The Colonel, in his answer, acknowledged the ready assistance and countenance which he had always received from the Governor and colony of Virginia in carrying on the King's service; and mentioned his particular obligations to Col. Lewis, for his zeal and good conduct during the campaign.

The honours thus bestowyed on him, his own modesty made him desirous of transferring to the officers and army under his command; and

72 Historical Account of

indeed the mutual confidence and harmony sub- sisting between him and them, highly redound to the reputation of both. He has taken every occasion of doing justice to the particular merit of Colonel Reid who was second in command; and also to all the officers who served in the expedition, regulars as well as provincials1".

The reader will observe that the public bodies who presented these addresses to the Colonel, not only wished to express their own gratitude, but likewise to be instrumental in recommend- ing him to the advancement his services merited. And surely it is a happy circumstance to obtain promotion, not only unenvied, but even with the general approbation and good wishes, of the pub- lic. It ought, however, to be mentioned, that on the first account his Majesty received of this expedition, and long before those testimonies could reach England, he was graciously pleased of his own royal goodness and as a reward of the Colonel's merit, to promote him to the rank of Brigadier General, and to the command of the southern district of America. And as he is ren- dered as dear, by his private virtues, to those who have the honour of his more intimate acquaintance, as he is by his military services to the public, it is hoped he may long continue among us; where his experienced abilities will enable him, and his love of the English constitu- tion entitle him, to fill any future trust to which his Majesty may be pleased to call him.—

fThe Pennsylvania troops were commanded by Lieutenant Col- onel Francis, and Lieutenant Colonel Clayton.

Colonel Bouquet's Expedition. 73

POSTSCRIPT.

IT was mentioned in the 60th page of this account, that the Shawanese brought only a part of their prisoners with them to Col. Bou- quet at Muskingham, in November last; and that, as the season was far advanced, he was obliged to rest satisfied with taking hostages for the delivery of the remainder at Fort-Pitt, in the ensuing spring.

The escape of those hostages soon afterwards, as well as the former equivocal conduct of their nation, had given reason to doubt the sincerity of their intentions with respect to the perform- ance of their promises. But we have the satis- faction to find that they punctually have fulfilled them. Ten of their chiefs, and about fifty of their warriors, attended with many of their women and children, met George Croghan, Esq ; deputy agent to Sir William Johnson, at Port- Pitt, the 9th of last May ; together with a large body of Delawares, Senecas, Sandusky and Munsy Indians; where they delivered the re- mainder of their prisoners, brightened the chain of friendship, and gave every assurance of their firm intentions to preserve the peace inviolable for ever.

There is something remarkable in the appel- lation they gave to the English on this occa-

74 Postscript.

sion ; calling them Fathers instead of Brethren.

Lawaughqua, the Shawanese speaker, deliv- ered himself in the following terms.—

"Fathers, for so we will call you hencefor- "ward ; listen to what we are going to say to yon.

"It gave us great pleasure yesterday to be "called the children of the great King of Eng- land; and convinces us your intentions towards "us are upright, as we know a Father will be "tender of his children, and they are more ready "to obey him than a Brother. Therefore we "hope our Father will now take better care of "his children, than has heretofore been done.—

"You put us in mind of our promise to Col. "Bouquet; which was to bring your flesh and "blood to be delivered at this place. Father, "you have not spoke in vain— you see we have "brought them with us,— except a few that were "out with our hunting parties, which will be "brought here as soon as they return.

"They have been all united to us by adop- tion; and altho' we now deliver them up to you, "we will always look upon them as our rela- xations, whenever the Great Spirit is pleased "that we may visit them.

"Father, We have taken as much care of "them, as if they were our own flesh and blood. "They are now become acquainted with your "customs and manners; and therefore, we "request you will use them tenderly and kindly, "which will induce them to live contentedly with "you.

Postscript. 75

"Here is a belt with the figure of our Father "the King of Great-Britain at one end, and the "Chief of our nation at the other. It repre- ' ' sents them holding the chain of friendship ; and "we hope neither side will slip their hands from "it, so long as the Sun and Moon give light."

The reader will further remember that one of the engagements which the different Indian Tribes entered into with Colonel Bouquet, was to send deputies to conclude a peace with Sir William Johnson. This has also been punctu- ally fulfilled ; and we are assured that Sir Wil- liam "has finished his congress greatly to his "satisfaction, and even beyond his expecta- tions." Thus every good consequence has ensued from this important expedition, which our fondest wishes could have induced us to expect from the known valour and spirit of the able commander who had the conduct of it ; and we now have the pleasure once more to behold the temple of Janus shut, in this western world !

REFLECTIONS

ON THE

WAR WITH THE SAVAGES OF NORTH-AMERICA.

THE long continued ravages of the Indians on the frontiers of the British colonies in America, and the fatal overthrows which they have sometimes given our best disciplined troops, especially in the beginning of the late war, have rendered them an object of our con- sideration, even in their military capacity. And as but few officers, who may be employed against them, can have opportunities to observe the true causes of their advantages over European troops in the w7oods, it is with the utmost pleasure that I now proceed to lay before the public the following valuable papers, which I mentioned1" to have been communicated to me by an officer of great abilities and long expe- rience, in our wars with the Indians.

As scarce any thing has yet been published on a subject now become of the highest importance5

fSee the introduction.

§It will appear by the account of Indian tribes and towns annexed to these papers, that the enemies we have to deal with are neither contemptible in numbers or strength.

78 Reflections on the War

to our colonies, these papers will undoubtedly be an acceptable present to the reader, and the remarks contained in them may be more and more improved by the future care and attention of able men, till perhaps a compleat system is at length formed for the conduct of this par- ticular species of war.

With the Savages of North America, 79

SECTION 1.

OF THE TEMPER AND GENIUS OF THE INDIANS.

The love of liberty is innate in the savage; and seems the ruling passion of the state of nature. His desires and wants, being few, are easily gratified, and leave him much time to spare, which he would spend in idleness, if hun- ger did not force him to hunt. That exercise makes him strong, active and bold, raises his courage, and fits him for war, in which he uses the same stratagems and cruelty as against the wild beasts; making no scruple to employ treachery and perfidy to vanquish his enemy.

Jea'lous of his independency and of his prop- erty, he will not suffer the least encroachment on either ; and upon the slightest suspicion, fired with resentment, he becomes an implacable enemy, and flies to arms to vindicate his right, or revenge an injury.

The advantages of these savages over civilized nations are both natural and acquired. They are tall and well limbed, remarkable for their activity, and have a piercing eye and quick ear, which are of great service to them in the woods.

Like beasts of prey, they are patient, deceit- ful, and rendered by habit almost insensible to the common feelings of humanity. Their bar- barous custom of scalping their enemies, in the heat of action; the exquisite torments often

80 Reflections on the War

inflicted by them on those reserved for a more deliberate fate; their general ferocity of man- ners, and the successes wherewith they have often been flushed, have conspired to render their name terrible, and some times to strike a pannic even into our bravest and best disciplined troops.

Their acquired advantages are, that they have been inured to bear the extremes of heat and cold ; and from their infancy, in winter and sum- mer, to plunge themselves in cold streams, and to go almost naked, exposed to the scorching sun or nipping frosts, till they arrive to the state of manhood. Some of them destroy the sensation of the skin by scratching it with the short and sharp teeth of some animal, disposed in the form of a curry-comb, which makes them regardless of briars and thorns in running thro' thickets. Rivers are no obstacles to them in their wild excursions. They either swim over, or cross them on rafts or canoes, of an easy and ready construction.

In their expeditions they live chiefly by hunt- ing, or on wild fruits and roots, with which the woods supply them almost every where.

They can bear hunger and thirst for several days, without slackening, on that account, their perseverence in any proposed enterprize.

By constant practice in hunting, they learn to shoot with great skill ; either with bows, or lire- arms ; and to steal unperceived upon their prey, pursuing the tracts of men and beasts, which would be imperceptible to an European. They

With the Savages of North America. 81

can run for a whole day without halting, when flying from an enemy, or when sent on any message. They steer, as if by instinct, thro* trackless woods, and with astonishing patience can lie wrhole days motionless in ambush to sur- prise an enemy, esteeming no labour or perse- verence too painful to obtain their ends.

They besmear their bodies with bear's grease, which defends them against rains and damps, as well as against the stings of Muskitoes and Gnats. It likewise supples their limbs, and makes them as slippery as the antient gladiators, who could not be held fast when seized in fight.

Plain food, constant exercise, and living in the open air, preserve them healthy and vig- orous.

They are powerfully excited to war by the custom established among them, of paying dis- tinguished honours to warriors.

They fight only when they think to have the advantage, but cannot be forced to it, being sure by their speed to elude the most eager pursuit.

Theik dress consists of the skins of some wild beast, or a blanket, a shirt either of linen, or of dressed skins, a breech clout, leggins, reaching half way up the thigh, and fastened to a belt, with mokawsons on their feet. They use no ligatures that might obstruct the circulation of their blood, or agility of their limbs. They shave their head, reserving only a small tuft of hair on the top; and slit the outer part of the

82 Reflections on the War

ears, to which, by weights, they give a circular form, extending it down to their shoulders.

They adorn themselves with ear and nose rings, bracelets of silver and wampum, and paint their faces with various colours. When they prepare for an engagement they paint themselves black, and fight naked.

Theik arms are a fusil, or rifle, a powder horn, a shot pouch, a tomahawk, and a scalping knife hanging to their neck.

When they are in want of firearms, they sup- ply them by a bow, a spear, or a death hammer, which is a short club made of hard wood.

Their usual utensils are a kettle, a spoon, a looking glass, an awl, a steel to strike fire, some paint, a pipe and tobacco-pouch. For want of tobacco, they smoke some particular leaves, or the bark of a willow ; which is almost their con- tinual occupation.

Thus lightly equipped do the savages lie in wait to attack, at some difficult pass, the European soldier, heavily accoutred, harassed by a tedious march, and encumbered with an unwieldy convoy.

Experience has convinced us that it is not our interest to be at war with them; but if, after having tried all means to avoid it, they force us to it, (which in all probability will often hap- pen) we should endeavour to fight them upon more equal terms, and regulate our manoeuvres upon those of the enemy we are to engage, and the nature of the country we are to act in.

With the Savages of North America. 83

It does not appear from our accounts of In- dian wars, that the savages were as brave for- merly as we have found them of late ; which must be imputed to their unexpected successes against our troops on some occasions, particularly in 1755; and from the little resistance they have since met with from defenceless inhabitants.

It is certain that even at this day, they sel- dom expose their persons to danger, and depend entirely upon their dexterity in concealing them- selves during an engagement, never appearing openly, unless they have struck their enemies with terror, and have thereby rendered them incapable of defence.— From whence it may be inferred that, if they were beat two or three times, they would lose that confidence inspired by suc- cess, and be less inclined to engage in wars which might end fatally for them. But this cannot reasonably be expected, till we have troops trained to fight them in their own way, with the additional advantage of European courage and discipline.

Any deviation from our established military system would be needless, if valour, zeal, order and good conduct, were sufficient to subdue this light-footed enemy. These qualities are con- spicuous in our troops ; but they are too heavy, and indeed too valuable, to be employed alone in a destructive service for which they were never intended. They require the assistance of lighter corps, whose dress, arms and exercises, should be adapted to this new kind of war.

84 Re-flections on the War

This opinion is supported by the example of many warlike nations, of which I beg leave to mention the following.

The learned Jesuit1" who has obliged the world with a treatise on the military affairs of the ancient Romans, tells us, from Sallust§, that this wise nation, our masters in the art of war, were never hindered even by the pride of empire, from imitating any foreign maxim or institu- tion, provided it wTas good; and that they care- fully adopted into their own practice whatever they found useful in that of their allies or ene- mies ; so that by receiving some things from one,, and some from another, they greatly improved a system even originally excellent.

The defeat of Antony and Crassus by the Parthians, of Curio by the ISTumidians, and many other instances, convinced the Romans that their legions, who had conquered so many nations, were not fit to engage light-troops, which, harassing them continually, evaded all their endeavours to bring them to a close en- gagement; and it is probable that if Julius Caesar had not been assassinated, when he was preparing to march against the same Parthians, to wipe off the reproach of the former defeats,, he would have added to his legions a greater

f Vid. Joannis Antonii Valtrini Lbr, de re milit, Vet. Rom.

§Neque enim Romanis superbia unquam obstitit, quo minus aliena instituta, fi modo proba suissent, imitarentur; et quod ubique apud focios vel hostes idoneum visum esset, cum studio domi exsequerentur. — Aliaque ab aliis accepta, ipsi longe facere- meliora quae quidem digna statuissent. 1

With the Savages of North- America. 85

number of light troops, formed upon the prin- ciples and method of that nation, and have left us useful lessons for the conduct of a war against our savages.

That he did not think the attack of irregular troops contemptible, appears clearly in several parts of his commentaries, and particularly in the African war. The various embarrassments he met with from the enemy he had then to deal with, necessarily call to our mind many similar circumstances in the course of our wars with the Indians; and the pains he took to instruct his soldiers to stand and repel the skirmishes of the nimble Africans, may furnish instruction to us in our military operations against the savage Americans.

We are told that while Caesar was on his march "to Scipio's* quarters, the enemy's horse and

♦Labienus, Afraniusque cum omni equitatu, levique armatura, ex insidiis adorti agmini Csesaris extremo se offerunt, atque ex collibus primis exsistunt. — Primo impetu legionum equitatus, levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa et dejecta est de colle. Quum jam Caesar existimasset hostes pulsos deterritosque sinem lacessendi facturos, et iter coeptum pergere ccepisset; iterum celeriter ex proximis collibus erumpunt; atque in Caesaris legion- arios impetum faciunt Numidae, levisque armaturae mirabili veloci- tate praediti; qui inter equites pugnabant, et una pariterque cum equitibus accurere et refugere comsueverant. Hoc saepius, facerent, &c. — Caesaris autem non amplius tres, aut quatuor milites veterani, si se convertissent, et pila viribus contorta in Numidas infestos conjecissent, amplius duorum millium numero ad unum terga vertebant; ac rursus ad aciem passim, conversis equis, se colligebant, atque in spatio consequebantur, et jacula in Legionarios conjiciebant.

Caesar contra ejusmodi hostium genera copias suas, non ut imperator exercitum veteranum, victoremque maximis rebus

86 Reflections on the War

' light-armed infantry, rising all at once from ' an ambuscade, appeared upon the hills, and ' attacked his rear. His legions forming them- ' selves, soon beat the enemy from the higher 'ground. And now thinking all safe, he begins ' to pursue his march. But immediately the ' enemy break forth from the neighbouring hills ; 'and the Numidians, with their light-armed 'foot, who are wonderfully nimble, always mix- 'ing and keeping equal pace with the cavalry 'in charging or retiring, fall afresh on the 'Roman foot. Thus they frequently renewed 'the charge, and still retired when he endeav- 'oured to bring them to close engagement. If 'but two or three of his veterans faced about 'and cast their piles with vigour, two thousand 'of the enemy would fly, then returning rally 'again, making it their business to harrass his 'march, and to press upon his rear, following 'at some distance and throwing their darts at 'the legions.

"Caesar, having so subtil an enemy to deal 'with, instructed his soldiers, not like a general 'who had been victorious in the most arduous

gestis, sed ut lanista tirones gladiatores condocefacere: quo pede sese reciperent ab hoste, &c. — Mirifice enim hostium levis arma- tura anxiura exercitum ejus atque sollicitum habebat; quia et equites deterrebat proelium inire, propter equorum interritum; quod eos jaculis intersiciebat; et legionarium militem defati- gabat, propter velocitatem. Gravis enim armatura miles simul atque ab his infectatus constiterat, in eosque impetum fecerat, illi veloci cursu facile periculum vitabant.

With the Savages of North- America, 87

' exploits, but as a fencing-master1" would in- struct his scholars; teaching them with what 'pace to retreat from the enemy, and how to ' return to the charge; how far to advance, and 'how far to retire; and likewise in what place 'and manner to cast their piles. For their 'light-armed infantry gave him the greatest 'uneasiness, deterring his troopers from meet- 'ing them, by killing their horses with their 'javelins, and wearying his legions by their 'swiftness. For whenever his heavy-armed 'foot faced about, and endeavoured to return 'their charge, they quickly avoided the danger 'by flight."

But without going back to the ancients, wTe have seen this maxim adopted in our days. Marshal de Saxe finding the French army har- rassed by the Hussars and other Austrian light troops, formed also several corps of them of different kinds ; and the king of Prussia in his first war introduced them into his army, and has augmented and employed them ever since with success. We have ourselves made use of them in the two last wars in Europe: But the light troops wanted in America must be trained on different principles. The enemies we have to deal with, are infinitely more active and dan- gerous than the Hussars and Pandours ; or even the Africans above-mentioned. For the Amer- ican savages, after their rapid incursions,

fLanista, in Latin, is an instructor of gladiators, which in English can only be translated a "Fencing-master."

88 Reflections on the War

retreat to their towns, at a great distance from our settlements, through thickety woods almost impenetrable to our heavy and unwieldy corps, composed of soldiers loaded with cloaths, bag- gage and provisions, who, when fatigued by a long march, must be a very unequal match to engage the nimble savage in woods, which are his native element.

Anothek unavoidable incumbrance, in our expeditions, arises from the provisions and bag- gage of the army, for which a road must be opened, and bridges thrown over rivers and swamps. This creates great labour, retards and weakens the line of march, and keeps the troops tied to a convoy which they cannot lose sight of, without exposing it to become a prey to a vigi- lant enemy, continually hovering about to seize every advantage.

An European, to be a proper judge of this land of war, must have lived some time in the vast forests of America ; otherwise he will hardly be able to conceive a continuity of woods with- out end. In spite of his endeavours, his imag- ination will betray him into an expectation of open and clear grounds, and he will be apt to calculate his manoeuvres accordingly, too much upon the principle^ of war in Europe.

Let us suppose a person, who is entirely unac- quainted with the nature of this service, to be put at the head of an expedition in America. We will further suppose that he has made the dispositions usual in Europe for a march, or to

With the Savages of North-America. 89

receive an enemy; and that he is then attacked by the savages. He cannot discover them, tho' from every tree, log or bush, he receives an inces- sant fire, and observes that few of their shot are lost. He will not hesitate to charge those invisible enemies, but he will charge in vain. For they are as cautious to avoid a close engage- ment, as indefatigable in harrassing his troops ; and notwithstanding all his endeavours, he will still find himself surrounded by a circle of fire, which, like an artificial horizon, follows him every where.

Unable to rid himself of an enemy who never stands his attacks, and flies when pressed, only to return upon him again with equal agility and vigour; he will see the courage of his heavy troops droop, and their strength at last fail them by repeated and ineffectual efforts.

He must therefore think of a retreat, unless he can force his way thro' the enemy. But how is this to be effected? his baggage and provi- sions are unloaded and scattered, part of his horses and drivers killed, others dispersed by fear, and his wounded to be carried by soldiers already fainting under the fatigue of a long action. The enemy, encouraged by his distress, will not fail to encrease the disorder, by press- ing upon him on every side, with redoubled fury and savage howlings.

He will probably form a circle or a square, to keep off so daring an enemy, ready at the least opening to fall upon him with the destructive

90 Reflections on the War

tomahawk; but these dispositions, tho' a toler- able shift for defence, are neither proper for an attack, nor a march thro' the woods.—

This is not an imaginary supposition, but the true state of an engagement with the Indians, experienced by the troops who have fought against them. Neither is there any thing new or extraordinary in this way of fighting, which seems to have been common to most Barbarians.1"

What is then to be done to extricate our little army from impending destruction %

This is a problem which I do not pretend to resolve. But as every man would, in similar circumstances, determine himself some way or other, I will propose my own sentiments, founded upon some observations which I believe invaria- ble in all engagements with savages.

The first, that their general maxim is to sur- round their enemy.

The second, that they fight scattered, and never in a compact body.

The third, that they never stand their ground when attacked, but immediately give way, to return to the charge.

These principles being admitted, it follows—

1st. That the troops destined to engage In- dians, must be lightly cloathed, armed, and accoutred.

2d. That having no resistance to encounter in the attack or defence, they are not to be

tVid. Caes. Coram. Lib. v. de bello Gallico, et lib. II de bello civili.

With the Savages of North- America. 91

drawn up in close order, which would only expose them without necessity to a greater loss.

And, lastly, that all their evolutions must be performed with great rapidity; and the men enabled by exercise to pursue the enemy closely, when put to flight, and not give them time to rally.

These remarks wTill explain the reasons of the alterations proposed in the formation of a corps of troops, for the service of the woods. It is not, however, to be expected that this method will remove all obstacles, or that those light troops can equal the savages in patience, and activity; but, with discipline and practice, they may in a great measure supply the want of these advantages, and by keeping the enemy at a dis- tance afford great relief and security to the main body.

92 Reflections on the War

SECTION II.

GENERAL IDEA OF AN ESTABLISHMENT OF LIGHT TEOOPS FOR THE SERVICE OF THE WOODS.

I shall only venture a few notions suggested by experience upon this subject, chiefly with a view to recommend it to the consideration of persons capable of proposing a proper method of forming such an establishment : and, in order to be better understood, I will suppose a corps of 500 men to be raised and disciplined for the woods, besides two troops of light horse, to which a company of artificers might be added. The fittest men for that service would be the natives of America bred upon the frontiers, and inlisted between the age of 15 and 20 years, to be dis- charged between 30 and 35.

CLOATHING.

The cloathing of a soldier for the campaign might consist of a short coat of brown cloth, lap- pelled, and without plaits ; a strong tanned shirt, short trowsers, leggins, mokawsons or shoe packs, a sailor's hat, a blanket, a knapsack for provi- sions, and an oiled surtout1" against the rain. To

fThe following Watch-coat was contrived by an officer, whose name I do not remember, But instead of the oiled linen to be put under the hat, a cap might perhaps answer better. He writes as follows, viz.

"As the Indian war will require frequent incursions into a "wild country, where a man sick or wounded, is in several

With the Savages of North- America. 93

this might be added, in winter quarters or time of peace, three white shirts and stocks, with a flannel waistcoat.

ASMS.

Their arms, the best that could be made, should be short fusils and some rifles, with bayo- nets in the form of a dirk, to serve for a knife ; with powder horns and shot pouches, small hatchets and leathern bottles for water.

EXEKCISES.

The soldiers being raised, cloathed, and formed into companies under proper officers, must, before they are armed, be taught to keep

"respects more detrimental to the service than a man killed, "every thing that may contribute to the health of the men is of "moment.

"In this view, I propose a sort of surtout, to preserve men, in "a great measure, both from wet and cold.

"Take a large checked shirt, of about half a crown sterling per "yard, for it should be pretty fine; cut off the wrist-bands, and "continue the opening of the breast down to the bottom; sew up "the sides from the gussets downwards; rip out the gathers in "the fore parts of the collar as far as the shoulder straps, and "resew it plain to the collar.

"The shirt will then become a sort of watch-coat like a bed- "gown, with very wide sleeves.

"Take a quantity of linseed oil, and boil it gently till one half "is diminished, to which put a small quantity of litharge of gold, "and when it is well incorporated with the oil, lay it on with a "brush upon the watch-coat, so that it shall be every where "equally wet.

"I suppose the watch-coat, hung in a garret, or other covered "place, and so suspended by crooked pins and pack threads in "the extremities of the sleeves and edges of the collar, that "one part shall not touch another. In a short time, if the "weather is good, it will be dry; when a second mixture of the

94 Reflections on the War

themselves clean, and to dress in a soldier-like manner. This will raise in them a becoming spirit, give them a favourable opinion of their profession, and preserve their health. The first thing they are to learn is to Walk well, after- wards to Run ; and, in order to excite emulation, small premiums might from time to time be given to those who distinguish themselves. They must then run in ranks, with open files, and wheel in that order, at first slowly, and by degrees increase their speed: this evolution is difficult, but of the utmost consequence to fall unexpectedly upon the flank of the enemy. They are to disperse and rally at given signals; and

"same kind should be laid on with a brush as before. When "the second coat of painting is dry, the grease will not come "off, and the surtout is an effectual preservative from rain; it "is very light to carry, and being pretty full on the back, will not "only keep the man dry, but also his pack and ammunition.

"The sleeves are left long and wide, to receive the butt end of "a firelock (secured) and to cover it below the lock. The coat "is double breasted to be lapped over, according to which side "the rain drives. A man will be kept dry by one of these sur- "touts as far as the knees. If, from the vicinity of the enemy, it "is improper to make fires at night, he may place his pack on a "stone, and, sitting upon it, change his shoes and leggins, and if "he pleases, wrap his blanket round his legs and feet, then "drawing the watch-coat close to his body, it will keep him warm, "as no air can pass through it, and, leaning against the trunk of "a tree, he may pass a tolerable night, both warm and dry.

"It would be of service to have a small piece of the same "oiled linen to put under the hat or cap to carry the rain down "to the watchcoat or surtout, otherwise whatever wet soaks "through the hat or cap, will run down the neck, and thereby, "in some measure, defeat the design of the watch-coat.

"Perhaps it might be useful to mix some dark or greenish "colour with the oil of the second coating, to make the watch- "coat less remarkable in the woods."

With the Savages of North-America. 95

particular colours should be given to each com- pany, for them to rally by ; the men must be used to leap1" over logs and ditches, and to carry bur- thens proportioned to their strength.

When the young soldiers are perfect in these exercises, they may receive their arms, with which they are to perform the former evolutions in all sorts of grounds. They will next be taught to handle their arms with dexterity; and, with- out losing time upon trifles, to load and fire very quick, standing, kneeling, or lying on the ground. They are to fire at a mark without a rest, and not suffered to be too long in taking aim. Hunt- ing and small premiums will soon make them expert marksmen.

They ought to learn to swim, pushing at the same time their cloaths, arms, and ammunition before them, on a small raft ; and to make use of snow shoes. They must then be set to work, and be taught to throw up an entrenchment, open a trench, make fascines, clays and gabions ; likewise to fall trees, square logs, saw planks, make canoes, carts, ploughs, hand and wheel bar-

fVegetius gives an account of many similar exercises, which the Romans found necessary to establish among their military. Miles sylvam caedebat, aestivis temporibus natabat, ad palum dimi- cabat, saltabat, currebat. Exempla hujus exercitationis crebra sunt apud Livium. Sic ille de Scipione Africano, 3 decad. lib. VI. "Primo die legiones in armis IV. millium spatio decurre- "runt. Secundo die arma curare et tergere ante tentoria jussit. "Tertio die sudibus inter se in modum justae pugnae concurrerent, "prcepilatisque missilibus jaculati sunt. Quarto die quies data. "Quinto iterum in armis decursum est." — Quibus porro modis obviam eatur elephantis. Veget. lib. III. cap. 24.

96 Reflections on the War

rows, shingles and clap-boards, casks, batteaus and bridges, and to build log houses, ovens, &c.

By example and practice, the most ingenious among them will soon become tolerable good car- penters, joyners, wheelwrights, coopers, armour- ers, smiths, masons, brickmakers, saddlers, tay- lors, butchers, bakers, shoemakers, curriers, &c.

LIGHT HORSE and DOGS.

I said that, to compleat this establishment, they should have two troops of light horse, sup- posed of 50 men each, officers included. The men are to perform the same exercises as the foot, and afterwards be taught to ride, and par- ticularly to be very alert at mounting and dis- mounting with their arms in their hands, to gal- lop through the woods, up and down hills, and leap over logs and ditches.

The horses ought to be bought up on the fron- tiers, where they are bred and used to feed in the woods, and are strong and hardy. They are to be thoroughly broke, made to stand fire, to swim over rivers, &c. their saddles and accoutre- ments very simple, strong and light. The num- ber of horses might be reduced to one-half, in time of peace, tho' they would be of little ex- pence, as they might be bred and maintained without charge in the military settlement. This corps should be equipped as the foot, having only a short rifle in lieu of a fusil, and a battle ax with a long handle, the only sort of arms they should make use of in the charge.

With the Savages of North- America. 97

Every light horse man ought to be provided with a Blood-hound, which would be useful to find out the enemies ambushes, and to follow their tracts ; they would seize the naked savages,, or at least give time to the horse men to come up with them; they would add to the safety of the- camp at night by discovering any attempt to sur- prize it.

ARTIFICERS.

The company of artificers should be composed of the most useful tradesmen, and ought to be maintained at all times for the instruction of the soldiers, the use of the settlement, or the service of the army, during the campaign. It will now be time to draw forth this military col- ony and remove them to the ground laid out for that use in the woods, and at a good distance from the inhabitants. The nature of this set- tlement will hereafter be more particularly described.

Necessity creating industry, our young sol- diers will soon provide themselves with the most useful articles, and in a couple of years be able to raise provisions for themselves.

While the greatest part would be employed in clearing the ground, fencing, ploughing, sow- ing, planting, building and making utensils and household furniture, others might hunt with their officers, and remain a fortnight or a month out of the camp, without other provisions than a little flour, and what they could procure by

98 Reflections on the War

hunting and fishing : then to be relieved, and the whole trained up in that way.

The military exercises must still be kept up and practiced, and great care taken to inculcate and preserve purity of manners, obedience, order and decency among the men, which will be found much easier in the woods than in the neighbor- hood of towns.

In order to make this military establishment more generally useful ; I would propose that the soldiers should only receive a very small part of their pay ; leaving the remainder in the military chest.

Their accounts should be settled every year, and when their services should intitle them to their discharge, I could wish that each of them had 200 acres of land given him, in a district appropriated for that purpose; and receiving then the whole ballance of pay due them, they would then be enabled to compleat their settle- ment. This institution appears not only practi- cable, but easy, if attended to with patience, assiduity and firmness. The plan I would pro- pose is as follows.

Method of forming such Settlements upon the

Frontiers, as might support themselves

during an Indian Wak.

Let us suppose a settlement to be formed for one hundred families, composed of five persons each, upon an average.

Lay out upon a river or creek, if it can be found conveniently, a square of one thousand

With the Savages of North- America. 99

seven hundred and sixty yards, or a mile for each side.

That Square will contain 640 acres

Allowing for streets and public uses 40 ^

To half an acre for every house 50 I 640 acres

To one hundred lotts at five and half acres. . 550 J

The four sides of the square measure 7040 yards, which gives to each house about 70 yards front to stockade, and the ground allowed for building will be 210 feet front, and about 100 feet deep.

An acre of ground will produce at least 30 bushels of Indian corn. Therefore, two acres are sufficient to supply five persons, at the rate of twelve bushels each person. Two other acres will be a pasture for cows and sheep, another acre for hay, to be sown with red clover. The remaining half acre may be laid out for a garden.

Round the town are the commons, of three miles square, containing, exclusive of the lots abovementioned, 5120 acres. On three sides of the town, five other Squares will be laid out of three square miles, containing 5760 acres each, one of wrhich is reserved for wood for the use of the Settlement ; the other four to be divided into 25 out-lotts or plantations, of about 230 acres each, so that in the four Squares, there will be one hundred such plantations, for the 100 families.

Another township may be laid out joining this, upon the same plan, and as many more as you please upon the same line, without losing any ground.

100

Reflections on the War

Q

2

< 'J3

I

<tf	Wood for the Town D	ft
•*	suoraino^ suouiukq	Ti-
to	siioin 11103 m suorarao3	ro 1
rO	Wood for the Town C	to
CM	Wood for the Town B	CM
CM	suonxtaxQ	CM
j " .„ suouiuko
tH	suorarao3	i—l
<
snorarao3
rH	5760 acres wood for the Town A	25 lotts of 230 acres 1

With the Savages of NorthTAmericq.t 101,

Thus the town, A, has its commons, its wood- land, and its 4 squares marked No. 1. each con- taining 25 plantations of 230 acres, as proposed above. In like manner, the other towns, B, C, D, have their appurtenances respectively marked.

Let us now suppose this plan accomplished, and such corps as these fully settled, trained and disciplined, in the manner abovementioned ; I would ask whether any officer, entrusted with an expedition against the savages, would not chuse to have them in his army? I may safely answer for all those who have been employed in that service, that they would prefer them to double the number of the best European troops. And when they had served the time limited, namely from their 15th to their 35th year, what vast sat- isfaction would it be to pay over to them their share of savings from the public chest ; and, as a reward of their faithful toils, to vest them and their heirs with their several plantations, which they would now be enabled to cultivate as their own ? This prospect would engage many people to enter their sons, in such corps; and those vet- erans, when thus discharged, would not only be the means of forming and animating others by their example, but in case of a war would still bravely maintain the property they had so hon- orably acquired, and be the greatest security of the frontier where they are settled.

102 Beflections on the War

Preparations for an expedition in the woods against savages.

It is not practicable to employ large bodies of troops against Indians; the convoys necessary for their support would be too cumbersome, and could neither be moved with ease, nor protected. It would be better to fit out several small expedi- tions, than one too unwieldy: I will theref ore- suppose that a corps intended to act offensively shall not exceed the following proportions.

Two regiments of foot ■ 900

One battalion of hunters 500

Two troops of light horse 100

One company of artificers 20

Drivers and necessary followers 280

In all 1800

The first article to provide is the provisions,, and next the carriages.

The daily ration of a soldier in the woods should consist of one pound and a half of meat (which requires no carriage) and one pound of flour, with a gill of salt per week.

Upon that allowance 1800 men will re- quire for six months or 182 days

327,600 lh. Flour.

Allowing one fourth for accident 81,900

For six months 409,500 lb. Flour.

Meat for the same time with a fourth part more for accidents, or 2048 beeves at

300 lb. each

614,400 lb. Meat.

Salt for 26 weeks 182 Bushels

With the Savages of North-America. 103

The above quantity would serve the whole campaign, but one half would be sufficient to penetrate from the last deposite into the heart of the enemy's country: therefore we shall com- pute the carriages for this last quantity only.

Every horse carries about 150 lb. neat weight, therefore, to carry flour for three months or 204,- 750 lb. will require 1365 horses.

Horses for flour brought forward 1365

For 91 Bushels of salt 46

Ammunition 50

Tents 50

Tools 50

Hospital 20

Officers baggage and staff 150

1731

To reduce this exorbitant number of horses, and the great expence attending it, I would pro- pose, for such parts of the country as would admit of it, to make use of carts, drawn each by four oxen, and carrying about 1300 lb. or six bar- rels of flour.

The above quantity of 204,750 lb. will then be carried by 160

carts drawn by 640 oxen

Spare oxen with the army 384

The number of oxen wanted 1024

This method would not be as expeditious as the carriage by horses, and would require more time and attention in cutting the road, and bridging the swampy places, &c. but, on the other hand, what an expence would be saved! and by

104 Reflections on the War

killing the oxen in proportion as the flour is used, and abandoning the carts, the convoy is daily reduced, and the grass near the encampment will not be so soon consumed, which is not the case with horses, which must equally be fed though unloaded. This is an object of consequence, par- ticularly near the end of the campaign, when the scarcity of fodder obliges to move the camps every day, and to place them in low and disad- vantageous grounds.

I would therefore incline for the use of carts, and they could be made before hand by the hunt- ers and their artificers.

The oxen should be brought in the provinces where the farmers make use of them in their works. One or two soldiers would drive the cart and take charge of the four oxen.

There are few rivers in North- America deep in summer, and which these carts with high and broad wheels, could not ford ; but if the contrary should happen, the carts, provisions and bag- gage, may be rafted over, or a bridge built. In a country full of timber, and with troops accus- tomed to work, no river will stop an army for a long time.

By the above method, 3 or 400 horses would be sufficient to carry the baggage, ammunition, tents, tools, &c.

With the Savages of North-America. 105 EXPLANATION or the Four PLANS,

tPLATE II.

Representing the different positions of our army in the woods.

ENCAMPMENT.

The camp (Fig. 1) forms a parallellogram, of one thousand by six hundred feet. Eight hun- dred men of the regular troops (1) encamp on the four sides, which gives twenty-four feet to each tent, containing six men. The light-horse (3) encamp within the parallellogram. The reserve (7) in the center.

The provisions, ammunition, tools, and stores (8) and the cattle (9) are placed between the two troops of light-horse and the reserve. The hunters (2) encamp on the outside diagonally at the four angles, being covered by redoubts (5) formed with kegs and bags of flour or fascines. Besides these four redoubts, another is placed to the front, one to the rear, and two before each of the long faces of the camp, making in all ten advanced guards of 22 men each, and 7 Gentries, covered if possible by breast works of fascines or provisions. Before the army lay down their arms, the ground is to be reconnoitred, and the guards posted, who will immediately open a com- munication from one to the other to relieve the centries, and facilitate the passage of rounds.

fSee this Plate before Pag. 40.

106 Reflections on the War

The centries upon the ammunition, provi- sions, head quarters, and all others in the inside of the camp are furnished from the reserve. The officers, except the staff and commanders of corps, encamp on the line with their men.

The fires are made between the guards and camp, and put out in case of an attack in the night.

LINE of MAECH, Plate II. Fig. II.

Part of the hunters (2) in three divisions detaching small parties (5, 6) to their front and to their right and left, to search the woods and discover the enemy.

The artificers and ax-men (4) to cut a road for the convoy, and two paths on the right and left for the troops.

One hundred and fifty of the regular troops (1) in two files, who are to form the front of the square ; these march in the center road.

Two hundred and fifty regulars (1) in one file by the right hand path; and 250 (1) by the left hand path, are to form the long faces.

These are followed by 150 regulars (1) in two files, who are to form the rear of the square.

The reserve (7) composed of 100 regulars in two files.

The rest of the hunters (2) in two files.

The light horse (3).

The rear guard (5) composed of hunters, fol- lows the convoy at some distance and closes the march. The scouting parties (6) who flank the

With the Savages of North-America. 107

line of march, are taken from the hunters and light horse, and posted as in plan (Fig. 2), some orderly light horse men, attend the General and field officers who command the grand divisions, to carry their orders. Two guards of light horse take charge of the cattle (9).

The convoy (8) proceeds in the following order.

The tools and ammunition following the front column.

The baggage.

The cattle.

The provisions.

The whole divided into Brigades, and the horses two a breast.

DEFILES.

In case of a defile, the whole halt until the ground is reconnoitred, and the hunters have taken possession of the heights. The center col- umn then enters into the defile, followed by the right face ; after them the convoy ; then the left and rear face, with the reserve, the light horse, and the rear guard.

The whole to form again as soon as the ground permits.

Disposition to keceive the enemy, Fig. (3).

The whole halt to form the square or parallel- logram, which is done thus. The two first men of the center column stand fast at two yards distance. The two men following them, step

108 Reflections on the War

forward and post themselves at two yards on the right and left. The others come to the front in the same manner, till the two files have formed a rank, which is the front of the square.

The rear face is formed by the two file-leaders turning to the center road, where having placed themselves at two yards distance, they face out- wards, and are followed by their files, each man posting himself on their right or left, and facing towards the enemy the moment he comes to his post.

As soon as the front and rear are extended and formed, the two long faces, who have in the mean time faced outwards, join now the extremities of the two fronts and close the square.1"

TO REDUCE THE SQUARE.

The right and left of the front, face to the center, where the two center men stand fast. Upon the word " march" these step forward and are replaced by the two next, who follow them, and so on; by which means, that front becomes again a column. The rear goes to the right about, and each of the two center men leads again to the side paths followed by the rest.

While the troops form, the light horse and each division of the convoy take the ground assigned to them within the square, as if they were to encamp ; and the horses being unloaded, two parallel lines will be formed, with the bags and kegs of provisions, to cover the wounded

fThese evolutions must be performed with celerity.

With the Savages of North- America. 109

and the men unfit for action. The hunters, take post on the most advantageous ground on the out side, and skirmish with the enemy, till the square is formed; when, upon receiving their orders, they retire within the square, where they take their post as in Fig. (3).

The small parties of rangers (5) who have flanked the line of march, remain on the outside, to keep off the enemy and observe their motions.

When the firing begins the troops will have orders to fall on their knees, to be less exposed till it is thought proper to attack.

The four faces, formed by the regular troops, are divided into platoons chequered. One half, composed of the best and most active soldiers, is called the first Firing, and the other half the second Firing.

The eight platoons at the angles are of the second Firing, in order to preserve the form of the square during the attack.

It is evident that, by this disposition, the con- voy is well covered, and the light troops, destined for the charge, remain concealed; and as all unexpected events during an engagement are apt to strike terror, and create confusion, among the enemy, it is natural to expect that the savages will be greatly disconcerted at the sudden and unforeseen eruption, that will soon pour upon them from the inside of the square; and that, being vigorously attacked in front and flank at the same time, they will neither be able to resist, nor, when once broke, have time to rally, so as

110 ' Re-flections on the War

to make another stand. This may be effected in the following manner.

GENERAL ATTACK, Fig. IV.

The Regulars (1) stand fast.

The hunters (2) sally out, in four columns, thro' the intervals of the front and rear of the square, followed by the light horse (3) with their bloodhounds. The intervals of the two columns who attack in the front, and of those who attack in the rear, will be closed by the little parties of rangers (5) posted at the angles of the square, each attack forming in that manner, three sides of a parallelogram. In that order they run to the enemy (X) and having forced their way through their circle, fall upon their flanks; by wheeling to their right and left, and charging with impetuosity. The moment they take the enemy in flank, the First Firing of the regular troops march out briskly and attack the enemy in front. The platoons detached in that manner from the two short faces, proceed only about one hundred yards to their front, where they halt to cover the square, while the rest of the troops who have attacked pursue the enemy, till they are totally dispersed, not giving them time to recover themselves.

The sick and wounded, unable to march or ride, are transported in litters made of flour bags, through which two long poles are passed, and kept asunder by two sticks, tied across

With the Savages of North- America. Ill

beyond the head and feet to stretch the bag. Each litter is carried by two horses—

These remarks might have been extended to many other cases that may occur in the course of a campaign or of an engagement, but it is hoped this sketch will be sufficient to evince the necessity of some alteration in our ordinary method of proceeding in an Indian war.

APPENDIX I

Construction of Forts against Indians.

AS we have not to guard here against cannon,, the system of European fortifications may be laid aside, as expensive, and not answering the purpose. Forts against Indians, being com- monly remote from our settlements, require a great deal of room to lodge a sufficient quantity of stores and provisions, and at the same time ought to be defensible with one half of their com- pleat garrisons, in case of detachments or convoys.

I am therefore of opinion that a square or pen- tagon, with a block-house of brick or stone* at every angle, joined by a wall flanked by the block- houses, would be the best defence against such enemies. A ditch from seven to eight feet deep might be added, with loop holes in the cellars of the block-houses six feet from the ground, to defend the ditch.

Along the inside of the curtains the traders might build houses and stores, covered as well as the block-houses with tiles, or slate, to guard against fire arrows. There will remain a spa- cious area for free air and use, in which as well

♦Experience has demonstrated that fortifications made of wood decay very soon, and are on that account of considerable expence.

114 Appendix I.

as in the ditch, gardens might be made and wells dug.

The powder magazines might be placed in the center of the area, keeping only a small quantity of cartridges in each block-house for present use.

The garrisons of such forts would be free from surprizes, even if they had no centries, for noth- ing can get at them, while the doors are well bolted and barred.

Some seasons fob keeping possession of otjr laege forts in the indian country.

As these forts have been one of the causes of the last war and are a great eye-sore to the sav- ages, they have bent their chief efforts against them; and therefore, while thus employed, they have been less able to distress our settlements. Our forts keep the Indian towns at a great dis- tance from us. Fort-Pitt has effectually driven them beyond the Ohio, and made them remove their settlements at least 60 miles further west- ward. Was it not for these forts, they would settle close on our borders, and in time of war infest us every day in such numbers as would over-power the thin inhabitants scattered on our extensive frontier. The farmer unable to sow or reap would soon fall back on our chief towns, or quit the country for want of bread. In either case, what would be the fate of the large towns burthened with the whole country, and deprived of subsistance and of the materials of trade and export ?

Appendix I. 115

The destruction of these forts being, in time of war, the chief aim of the savages, they gather about them to distress the garrisons, and to attack the convoys ; thereby giving us an oppor- tunity to fight them in a body, and to strike a heavy blow, which otherwise they would never put in our power, as their advantage lies in sur- prizes, which are best effected by small numbers. Experience has convinced them that it is not in their power to break those shackles, and there- fore it is not probable that they will renew the attempt; and our posts will continue a check upon them, and save the difficulty and expense of taking post again in their country. Our forts are likewise the proper places for trade, which being closely inspected, it will be easy for us to limit their supplies, to such commodities as they cannot turn against us, and to put a speedy stop to all just causes of complaints, by giving imme- diate redress.

A few forts, with strong garrisons, I should judge to be of more service than a greater num- ber weakly guarded. In the last war we lost all our small posts ; but our more considerable ones, Detroit and Port-Pitt, resisted all the efforts of the savages, by the strength of their garrisons.

116 Appendix II.

APPENDIX II.

THE following Paper was written by an Officer wrell acquainted with the places he describes ; and is thought worthy of a place here, as every thing is material which can encrease our knowledge of the vast countries ceded to us and of the various nations that inhabit them.

Account of the French forts ceded to Great Britain in Louisiana.

The settlement of the Illinois being in 40 degrees of latitude, is 500 leagues from New- Orleans by water and 350 by land.

The most proper time of the year for going there, is the beginning of February. The waters of the Missisippi are then high, and the country being over-flowed, there is less to fear from the savages, who are hunting in that season.

The encampments should be on the left of the river, as the enemies are on the right, and can- not have a sufficient number of crafts to cross if their party is large.

They generally attack at day-break, or at the time of embarking.

The inhabitants might bring provisions half way, if they were allowed good pay.

The Delawares and Shawanese lie near Fort Du Quesne,1* which is about 500 leagues from the

tSo the French formerly called what is now Fort Pitt.

Appendix II. 117

Illinois. The Wiandots and Ottawas, (who are at the Detroit) are about 250 leagues from the Illinois by land. And the Miamis about 200 by land.

Nevertheless as intelligence is carried very fast by the Savages, and as all the nations with whom we are at war, can come by the Ohio,* we must be vigilant to prevent a surprize.

The mouth of the Ohio, in the Missisippi, is 35 leagues from the Illinois.

Thirteen leagues from the Missisippi, on the left of the Ohio, is Fort Massiac, or Assumption, built in 1757, a little below the mouth of the river Cherokee1". It is only a stockade, with four bastions and eight pieces of cannon. It may contain 100 men. In four days one may go by land, from this fort to the Illinois.

It is of consequence for the English to pre- serve it, as it secures the communication between the Illinois and Fort-Pitt.

JPart of the navigation of the Ohio, from Fort-Pitt is described as follows, viz.

That the difficult part of the river is from Fort-Pitt about 50 or 60 miles downwards. There are 52 islands between Fort-Pitt and the lower Shawanese town on Scioto; and none of them difficult to pass in the night, but one at the mouth of Mus- kingham, occasioned by a number of trees lying in the channel. From the lower Shawanese Town to the falls, there are but 8 or 9 islands. At the falls, the river is very broad, with only one passage on the east side, in which there is water enough at all seasons of the year to pass without difficulty. Below the falls, the navigation is every way clear down to the Mississippi.

tRiver Cherokee falls into the Ohio about 800 miles below Fort-Pitt. This river is in general wide and shoal up to the south mountain, passable only with bark canoes, after which it grows very small.

118 Appendix II.

Fort Vincennes, which is the last post belong- ing to Louisiana, is upon the river Ouabache,* 60 leagues from its conflux with the Ohio. It is a small stockade fort, in which there may be about 20 soldiers. There are also a few inhabitants. The soil is extremely fertile, and produces plenty of corn and tobacco.

The distance from this fort to the Illinois, is 155 leagues by water. And it may be traveled by land in six days.

The nation of savages living at this post is called Pianquicha. It can furnish 60 warriors.

Altho' we do not occupy Fort Vincennes at present, yet it would be of the utmost conse- quence for us to settle it, as there is a communi- cation from it with Canada, by going up the Ouabache.

From this post to the Ouachtanons is 60 leagues, and from thence to the Miamis (still going up the Ouabache) is 60 leagues further; then there is a portage of six leagues to the river Miamis, and you go down that river 24 leagues to Lake Erie.

Mr. Dattrby went by that route in 1759 from the Illinois to Venango11, with above 400 men, and two hundred thousand weight of flour.

JOuabache or Wabash empties itself into the Ohio about 60 miles above the Cherokee river, on the opposite or west side.

|| By the above paper the rout is given up the Mississippi, part of the Ohio, and up the Ouabache to Fort Vincennes, and like- wise to the Illinois. Again from Vincennes and the Ouachta- nons by water, on the westerly communication to the Miamis portage, then by water down that river by the easterly rout into Lake Erie, proceeding as far as Presqu' Isle, then by the 15 m

Appendix II. 11£>

Thirty-five leagues from the mouth of the Ohio, in going up the Missisippi, on the right, is the river Kaskasquias. Two leagues up this river, on the left, is the settlement of the Kaskasquias, which is the most considerable of the Illinois.

There is a fort built upon the height on the other side of the river, over against Kaskasquias ; which, as the river is narrow, commands and protects the town.

I don't know how many guns there may ber nor how many men it may contain. There may be about 400 inhabitants.

The Illinois Indians, called Kaskasquias, are settled half a league from the town ; and are able to turn out 100 warriors. They are very lazy and great drunkards.

Six leagues from Kaskasquias, on the bank of the Missisippi, is Fort Chartres, built of stone, and can contain 300 soldiers. There may be 20

portage into Buffalo or Beef river, lately called French creek, then down the same to Venango on the Ohio. In order, there- fore, to carry this rout still further, we shall continue it from Venango to the mouth of Juniata in Susquehannah, which brings it within the settled parts of Pennsylvania, viz.

From Venango to Licking creek, 10 miles. To Toby's creek, 13. To a small creek, 1. To the parting of the road, 5. To a large run, 3. To Leycaumeyhoning, 9. To Pine creek, 7. To Chuckcaughting, 8. To Weeling creek, 4. To the crossing of ditto, 4. To a miry swamp, 8. To the head of Susquehanna, 10. To Meytauning creek, 18. To Clear Field creek, 6. To the top of Allegheny, 1. To the other side ditto, 6. To Beaver dams, 5. To Franks town, 5. To the Canoe place, 6. To the mouth of Juniatta, 110. Total 239 miles.

120 Appendix II.

cannon at most, and about 100 inhabitants round Chartres.

The Illinois Indians at that place, who are called Metchis, can furnish 40 warriors.

Between the Kaskasquias, and Fort Chartres, is a small village, called La prairie due Rocher (the Rock Meadow) containing about 50 white inhabitants ; but there is neither fort nor savages-

Near Fort Chartres is a little village, in which is about a score of inhabitants. Here are neither savages nor fort.

Fifteen leagues from Fort Chartres, going up the Missisippi, is the village of the Casquiars. There is a small stockade fort; I don't know if there is any cannon. There may be about 100 inhabitants.

The Illinois Indians living near this village are called Casquiars, and can turn out 60 war- riors.

I compute that there are about 300 Negroes at the Illinois.

The country of the Illinois is fertile, produc- ing good wheat and corn. All kinds of European fruits succeed there surprizingly well, and they have wild grapes with which they make tolerable wine. .Their beer is pretty good.

There are mines of lead, and some salt. They make sugar of maple, and there are stone quarries.

Appendix III. 121

APPENDIX III. ROUT from Philadelphia to Fort-Pitt.

	Miles	Qrs.	Per.
From Philadelphia to Lancaster	66	0	38
to Carlisle	55	0	00
to Shippensburgh	22	0	00
to Fort Loudoun	24	3	00
to Fort Littleton	17	3	00
to the crossing of the
Juniata	18	3	00
to Fort Bedford	14	3	00
to the crossing of
Stoney creek	29	0	39
to Fort Ligonier	20	1	43
to Fort Pitt	56	0	00

324 2 40

122

Appendix IV.

APPENDIX IV.

Number of Indian Towns, situated on and near the Ohio river, and its branches, with their distances from Fort-Pitt, and the distances of the principal branches from each other at their conflux with the Ohio.

	Distance from one another.	Distance from Fort-Pitt.
First EOUT about N. N. W.	Miles.	Miles.
om Fort Pitt to Kushkuskies Town on
Big Beaver-Creek		45
up the east branch of Bea-
ver-Creek to Shaningo.	15	60
up ditto to Pematuning. .	12	72
to Mohoning on the West
branch of Beaver Creek	32	104
up the branch to Salt Lick	10	114
to Cayahoga River	32	146
to Ottawas town on Caya-
hoga	10	156

Second ROUT W. N. W.

From Fort Pitt to the mouth of Big Beaver-Creek

to Tuscarawas

to Mohickon John's Town

to Junundat or Wyandot town

to Sandusky

to Junqueindundeh

Distance Distance from one from another. Fort-Pitt.

Miles. Miles.

91 50

46

4

24

25 116 166

212 216 240

Appendix IV.

123

Thied ROUT about W. S.

From Fort Pitt to the Forks of the Musv kingham

to Bullet's Town on Mus- kingham

to Waukatamike

to King Beaver's Town on the heads of the Hock- hocking

to the lower Shawanese Town on Sioto River. . .

to the Salt Lick town on the heads of Sioto

to the Miamis Fort

Fourth EOUT down the Ohio; general course about S. W.

By water from Fort Pitt to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek

to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek

to the mouth of Yellow Creek

to the two Creeks

to Weeling

to Pipe Hill

to the long Reach

to the foot of the Reach . .

to the mouth of the Mus- kingham River

to the little Canhawa river.

to the mouth of Hock- hocking river

to the mouth of Letort's creek

to Kiskeminetas

to the mouth of big Can- hawa or new river

to the mouth of big Sandy creek

to the mouth of Sioto river

to the mouth of big Salt Lick river

to the Island

w.

128

6	134
10	144
27	171
40	211
25	236
190	429
Distance from one another.	Distance from Fort-Pitt.

Miles. Miles.

12

27

39

10	49
18	67
6	73
12	85
30	115
18	133
30	163
12	175

13

40 33

188

228 261

269

40	309
40	349
30	379
20	399

124 Appendix IV.

Distance Distance from one from another. Fort-Pitt.

Miles. Miles.

to the mouth of little

Mineamie or Miammeef

river 55 454

to big Miammee or Rocky

river 30 484

to the Big Bones$ 20 504

to Kentucky river 55 559

to the Falls of the Ohio . . 50 609 to the Wabash, or Oua-

bache 131 740

to Cherokee River 60 800

to the Missisippi 40 840

N. B. The places mentioned in the three first Routs are delineated in the foregoing map, by an officer who has an actual knowledge of most of them, and has long served against the Indians. The Fourth Rout down the Ohio was given by an Indian trader, who has often passed from Fort- Pitt to the Falls ; and the distances he gives of the mouths of the several rivers that fall into the Ohio may be pretty certainly depended on. Our maps hitherto published are very erroneous in placing some of those rivers.

fThese rivers, called Little and Great Mineamie or Miammee, fall into the Ohio between Sioto and the Ouabache, and are different from the Miamis river, which runs into the west end of lake Erie, below the Miamis fort.

JSo called from Elephant's bones said to be found there.

Appendix V. 125

APPENDIX V.

Names of different Indian Nations in North- America, with the Numbers of their Fighting Men; referred to in the Note, page .

THE following list was drawn up by a French trader, a person of considerable note, who has resided many years among the Indians, and still continues at Detroit, having taken the oaths of allegiance to the King of Great Britain. His account may be depended on, so far as matters of this kind can be brought near the truth ; a great part of it being delivered from his own personal knowledge.

Warriors

Conawaghrunas, liear the falls of St. Louis 200

Abenaquis

Michmacs. * Amalistes . *Chalas

St. Lawrence Indians

350 550 700 130

Nipissins ^ living towards the heads of the 400

Algonquins \ Ottawa river 300

Les Tetes de Boule, or Round Heads, near the above 2,500

Six Nations, on the frontiers of New York, &c 1,550

Wiandots, near lake Erie 300

Chipwas ) 5,000

Ottawas f near tlie Lakes Superior and Michigan q0Q

Messesagues, or River Indians, being wandering tribes, on

the lakes Huron and Superior 2,000

Powtewatamis, near St. Joseph's and Detroit 350

Les Puans "| 700

Folle avoine, or Wild-Oat Indians. J near Puans bay 35Q

♦Mechecouakis. . . . "| 250

Sakis y South of Puans bay 400

Mascoutens J 500

126 Appendix V.

Warriors Ouisconsins, on a river of that name, falling into the Miss-

isippi on the east-side 550

Christinaux "* far north, near the lakes 3,000

Assinaboes, or Assinipouals. . J of the same name 1,500

BlancsfBarbus, or White Indians with Beards 1,500

Sioux, of the meadows . "| towards the heads of 2,500

Sioux, of the woods J Missisippi 1,800

Missouri, on the river of that name 3,000

*Grandes Eaux 1,000

Osages "| 600

Canses | 1,600

Panis blancs }► south of Missouri 2,000

Panis piques 1,700

Padoucas J 500

Ajoues, north of the same 1,100

Arkanses, on the river that bears their name, falling into

Missisippi on the west side 2,000

Alibamous, a tribe of the Creeks 600

*Ouanakina "j 300

♦Chiakanessou. . . I 350

♦Machecous (Unknown, unless the author has put m

*Caouitas | them for tribes of the Creeks 700

♦Souikilas J 200

Miamis, upon the river of that name, falling into Lake Erie. 350

Delawares (les Loups) on the Ohio 600

Shawanese on Sioto , 500

Kickapoos "j 300

Ouachtanons . v on the Ouabache 400

Peanquichas J 250

Kaskasquias, or Illinois in general, on the Illinois river. . . . 600

♦Pianria 800

Catawbas, on the frontiers of North-Carolina 150

Cherokees, behind South-Carolina 2,500

Chickasaws "j 750

Natchez v Mobile and Missisippi 150

Chactaws I 4,500

56,500

•jThey live to the northwest, and the French, when they first saw them, took them for Spaniards.

Appendix V. 127

The above list consists chiefly of such Indians as the French were connected with in Canada and Louisiana. Wherever we knew the names by which the different nations are distinguished by the English, we have inserted them. But the orthography is yet very unsettled, and the sev- eral nations marked with an * asterism are un- known to us, and therefore they are left as they stand in the original list.

So large a number of fighting men may startle us at first sight ; but the account seems no where exaggerated, excepting only that the Catawba nation is now almost extinct. In some nations which we are acquainted with, the account falls even short of their numbers ; and some others do not appear to be mentioned at all, or at least not by any name known to us.

Such, for instance, are the Lower Creeks, of whom we have a list according to their towns. In this list their warriors or gunsmen are 1180, and their inhabitants about 6000. Thus a com- parative judgment may be formed of the nations above-mentioned; the number of whose inhabi- tants will (in this proportion to their warriors, viz. 5 to 1) be about 283,000.

INDEX

Amherst, Genl., Commander-in-Chief, 8. Arms suitable for Indian warfare, 93. Artificers, organization of, 97. Attack, mode of general, 110.

Beaver, chief of the Turky Tribe of Delawares, 44, 52.

Bensivasica, a Shawanese chief, 58 ; speech, 61.

Big Beaver Creek, Bouquet crosses, 38.

Bouquet, Henry. Biographical Sketch. Character, XV; enters the service of the King of Sardinia; battle of Cony, XVI ; serves the Prince of Orange ; accompanies Lord Middleton to Italy ; studies military art, XVII ; appointed to command in Eoyal American Corps, XVIII; arrives in America, XIX; his death at Pen- sacola, XX ; sent to the relief of Fort Pitt, 8 ; arrives at Carlisle, 9 ; at Fort Bedford, 13 ; at Fort Ligonier, 13 ; Battle of Bushy Run, 14-20 ; arrives at Fort Pitt, 21; Moncrief's " Orders," 23; Expedition against the Ohio Indians, 1-67 (fee under Expedition) ; return to ' Fort Pitt; to Philadelphia, 67; address of the Penn- sylvania General Assembly, 68; Bouquet's answer, 69; resolves of House of Burgesses of Virginia, Bouquet's reply, 71 ; promoted, 72.

Bradstreet's Expedition, XII, 26; treaty with Indians, 31; disapproved by Genl. Gage, 30 ; despatches to Bouquet, 51.

Bushy Run, Battle of, 14-20.

Carlisle, Penn., Bouquet arrives at, 9. Casquair's Village and Tribe, 120. Cherokee River, 117. Clayton, Lieut. Col. Pennsylvania troops, 72.

130 Index.

Clothing suitable for soldiers, 92.

Croghan, George, deputy of Sir W. Johnson, treats with

the Shawanese, 73. Cumberland, Duke of, XVIII. Custaloga, chief of the Wolfe-tribe of Delawares, 44, 52.

Dalyell, Capt., sent to relieve Detroit, 8.

Daurby, Mr., 118.

Denies compassed, 107.

Disposition to receive the enemy, 107.

Detroit besieged, 7.

Distances from Fort Pitt to Cuyahoga, 122.

" " " " Junqueindundeh, 122.

" Miamis Fort, 123. " Missisippi, 123. Philadelphia to Fort Pitt, 121. Venango to Juniatta, 119. Dogs, use of, in Indian warfare, 96. Dussaux, Col. Joseph, of Royal Americans, XVIII.

Ecuyer, Capt., commands at Fort Pitt, 7.

Encampment, plan of an, 105.

Eweecunwee, a Shawanese chief, 58.

Exercises of soldiers, 93.

Expedition against the Ohio Indians, 1-67 ; Bouquet arrives at Fort Loudoun, 29 ; at Fort Pitt, 30 ; sends message to the Indians, 31; prepares to march into Ohio, 33; address to troops, 34 ; order of march, 35 ; leaves Fort Pitt, 37; at Loggstown, 37; crosses Big Beaver Creek, 38 ; crosses Little Beaver Creek, 39 ; at Yellow Creek, 40 ; at Nemenshehelas Creek, 41 ; at Muskingum River, 42 ; couriers to Bradstreet obliged to return, 42 ; treats with the Indians, 43; speech to them, 44; delivery of prisoners, 48 ; resumes march, crosses Margaret Creek, 49 ; encamps at forks of Muskingum and fortifies, 49 ; messengers from the Indians, 50 ; despatches from Col. Bradstreet, 51 ; treats with the Senecas and Delawares, Kiyashutas' speech, 54, 55; Bouquet's answer, 55;

Index. 131

treats with Turky and Turtle Tribes, 56 ; deposes Net- towhatways, 57; treats with. Shawanese; Red Hawke's speech, 58; Bouquet's answer, 60; Benevissico's speech, and the answer, 61 ; arrival of prisoners in camp, 62 ; return to Fort Pitt, 67.

Fort Assumption, 117.

Fort Bedford reinforced, 12 ; Bouquet arrives at, 13.

Fort Chartres, 119.

Fort Ligonier attacked, 11; reinforced, 12; Bouquet ar- rives at, 13.

Fort Loudoun, Bouquet arrives at, 29.

Fort Pitt besieged, 7.

Forts, construction of, against Indians, 113.

Forty-second regiment, 9, 28.

Fox, Joseph, Speaker of Pennsylvania General Assembly, 69.

Francis, Lieut. Col. of Pennsylvania troops, 72.

French cession of Canada, etc., 3.

French Forts in Louisiana ceded, 116.

Frontiers over-run by the Indians, 5.

Gage, GenL, Commander-in-Chief, 26; refuses to ratify

Bradstreet's treaty, 30. Gladwin, Major, at Detroit, XI, 7. Great Mineamie or Miammee River, 124.

Hutchins, Thomas, XII.

Illinois River, 117.

Indian character, X; temper and genius, 79.

Indian nations, names of, and number of warriors, 125.

Indian towns on or near the Ohio River, 122.

Indian tribes —

Casquairs, 120.

Caughnawagas, 52, 62.

Chipwas, 26, 46.

Delawares, 5, 26, 30, 33, 38, 42, 48, 51, 54, 55, 57, 60, 62, 73, 116.

132 Index.

Kaskasquais, 119.

Metches, 120.

Mingoes, 26, 38.

Mohickons, 26.

Ottawas, 26, 46, 52.

Pianquichas, 118.

Senecas, 44, 55, 60, 62, 73, 116.

Shawanese, 5, 26, 30, 33, 38, 42, 48, 51, 53, 54, 57, 58,

62, 73, 116. Six Nations, 32, 46. Wiandots, 26, 46, 53, 117.

Jeffereys, Col. C, of the Royal Americans, XVIII. John, Capt. (Indian), prisoner at Fort Pitt, 56. Johnson, Sir William, empowered to make peace with the Indians, 55, 75.

Kaskasquias River and Tribe, 119. Keigleighque, a Shawanese chief, 58. Keissinautchtha, a Shawanese chief, 44, 58. Kelappama, brother of the Turtle chief, 56. Kiyashuta, chief of the Senecas, 44; speech, 55.

La Bay, Fort, captured, 5.

La Prairie due Rocher, 120.

Lavissimo, a Shawanese chief, 58.

Lawaughqua, a Shawanese chief, speech, 74.

Le Boeuf, Fort, captured, 5.

Light troops for service in the woods, 92, 96.

Line of march in Indian warfare, 106.

Little Beaver Creek, 40.

Little Mineamie or Miammee River, 124.

Loggstown, Bouquet arrives at, 38.

Mi amis, Fort, captured, 6. Miamis River, 124. Michilimackinac, Fort, captured, 6. Missisippi River, 124.

Index. 133

Moncrief, Major, ''orders" to Col. Bouquet, 23. Muskingum, Indians retreat to, 26 ; Bouquet arrives at, 42.

Negroes in Illinois, 120.

Nettowhatways, chief of the Turtle tribe of Delawares, de- posed, 57. Nimwha, a Shawanese chief, 58.

Ohio Indians, expedition against, 1-67.

Ouabache River, 118.

Ouachtanon, Fort, captured, 6.

Ourry, Capt., commands at Fort Bedford, 12.

Parkman, Francis, prefatory remarks, IX.

Peace of 1763, IX ; effect on the Indians, IX.

Penn, Governor, address to the volunteers, 28.

Pennsylvania General Assembly, address to Bouquet, 68.

Peter, chief of Caughnawagas, 51.

Pipe, Capt. (Indian), prisoner at Fort Pitt, 40.

Pontiac's conspiracy, XI.

Preparations necessary for Indian warfare, 102.

Presqu' Isle, Fort, captured, 5.

Prevost, Lt. Col. Aug., 60th Regt., XX.

Prevost, Col. James, of Royal Americans, XVIII.

Prisoners, arrival at camp, affecting scenes, 62.

Prisoners delivered to Bouquet, 49, 52, 53, 60.

Red Hawke, a Shawanese chief, speech, 58.

Reflections on the war with the savages, 77.

Reid, Col., second in command, 72.

Rock Meadow, 120.

Roman method of warfare adapted to Indian warfare, 84.

Royal American corps organized, XVII.

St. Josephs, Fort, captured, 5.

Sandusky, Fort, captured, 6.

Settlements, method of forming, on the frontiers, 98 ; plan

of, 100. Seventy-seventh regiment, 9. "Sixtieth regiment, 28.

134 Index.

Smallman, Mr., delivered up by the Indians, 53. Smith, "William, author of this work, XII. Square, to reduce the, 108. Stanwix, Col. J., of Royal Americans, XVIII.

Venango, Fort, captured, 5.

Vincennes, Fort, 118.

Virginia House of Burgesses, resolves to Bouquet, 71.

Wabash River, 118.

Yellow Creek, Bouquet at, 40. Yorke, Sir Joseph, XVIII.

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